Were the Book of Mormon Nephites actually Toltecs & Anasazi? Evidence for the Final Exodus and Battles

Map showing correlations between known archaeological battle and abandonment sites and possible corresponding Book of Mormon cities with known battles leading up to the final destruction of the Nephites. Here we propose TWO POSSIBLE TIMELINES. The early timeline labels are placed in the Gulf of Mexico on the right (321-384 AD). Late timeline on the left in the Pacific (1050-1150 AD). Read below to explore details of these two possible Book of Mormon correlations.

THIS ARTICLE IS UNFINISHED AND UNDER HEAVEY CONSTRUCTION.

Why do some Aztec chroniclers put the Aztec Migration from Aztlan at 439 AD and others put it seven hundred years later at 1168 AD? Could a difference in Calendars be causing us to overlook the overwhelming evidence for the Nephite destruction in the Book of Mormon?

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Overview

It’s really kind of crazy comparing the Aztec migration histories, with the archaeology concerning warfare and social collapse in the twelfth century and the final genocide story of the Book of Mormon.

In the Continental Model I give two possible timelines for the final exodus and battles of the Nephite destruction. One with archaeological dates matching the Book of Mormon narrative’s dates of a Nephite destruction between 321-384 AD and a second radiocarbon dating to 1100-1150 AD. The traditional timeline has limited archaeological support but follows the Book of Mormon’s dates, matching the initial burning of Teotihuacan around 350 AD (Manzanilla, 2006) and subsequent fall of the Hopewell culture between 300-400 AD with the Book of Mormon Events of Mormon chapters 2-9. A second timeline however, matches overwhelming archaeological evidence of mass warfare, migration and social collapse stretching from Tula in the Valley of Mexico along the narrow West Mexican corridor to the American southwest Puebloans/Anasazi cultures, and onto Cahokia and New York between 1100-1150 AD. Although the twelfth century collapse of the Toltec, Anasazi postdates the timeline given in the Book of Mormon by 700 years, the remarkable similarities between the archeological evidence and the Book of Mormon narrative’s events make it hard not to believe that these were one and the same events.

In this paper we explore numerous pieces of evidence pointing to why the Book of Mormon dates and archaeological dates might be off by 700 years. The most impressive of which is historical evidence of confusion caused by a different base-date for the Chichimec calendar of northern Mexico people than the Toltecs of central Mexico. This same confusion would actually cause Fernando Ixtlilxochitl’s to place events similar to the Book of Mormon such as the destruction of the Toltecs around 300-400 AD, when archaeology shows it seems to have actually occurred around 1050-1150 AD.

Time spans in 4rth Nephi are incredibly suspect. Nephi IV gets the plates from Nephi III (son of Helaman) around 1 AD. (3 Ne 1:1–3) and keeps them until 110 AD (4 Ne 1:18–19), giving him a lifespan of at least 120-130 years! Likewise, Amos I would have had to father Amos II when he was in his 80’s or 90’s given he got the plates in 110 AD and gave them to his son in 194 AD (4 Ne 1:19–21). Then Amos II has them from 194-305 AD or 111 years! Even if he got the plates at a young age of something like 12, that means he would have had to have lived to be over 123! Because of this, some have speculated there was an Amos III as well who isn’t mentioned. But perhaps a better explanation is that Mormon was unknowingly copying an incomplete ‘floating’ timeline, with a gap of around 600 years of missing time that he wasn’t aware of. Unknown gaps like this in ancient records and king lines are not uncommon in historical sequences.

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Could Mormon have been a Toltec?

Its hard not to acknowledge the overwhelming similarities between the historical and archeological demise of the Toltec and the destruction of the Nephites in the Book of Mormon narrative.

The Spanish/native historian Ixtlilxochitl wrote one of the most complete accounts of the demise of the Toltecs in his well known book, Obras Historicas. It it we read a story unbelievably similar to what’s related in the Book of Mormon concerning the fall and destruction of the Nephite nation. He even begins his account by telling of an “astrologer” or prophet who lived around 400 AD and compiled the Toltec scriptures!

2:4. And before going on, I want to make an account of Huematzin the astrologer [prophet]….
2:5. Before dying, he gathered together all the histories the Tultecas had, from the creation of the world up to that time and had them pictured in a very large book, where were pictured all of their persecutions and hardships, prosperities and good happenings, kings and lords, laws and good government of their ancestors, old sayings and good examples, temples, idols, sacrifices, rites and ceremonies that they had, astrology, philosophy, architecture, and the other arts, good as well as bad, and a resume of all things of science, knowledge, prosperous and adverse battles, and many other things; and he entitled this book calling it Teoamoxtli, which, well interpreted, means Various Things of God and Divine Book.
2:6. The natives now call the Holy Scriptures Teoamoxtli, because it is almost the same, principally in the persecutions and hardships of men

However, other authors place the same Aztec exodus around 1168 AD, and even elsewhere in Ixlilxochitl’s history, he changes his date to the twelfth century.. Other authors like Torqmada and — (reference them) use the later date… which got me thinking…

-then I read Gordon Brotherston who explained that that most of the codices from central and southern Mexico had a “base date” from which the many calendar dates within them were calculated. (A Key to the Mesoamerican Reckoning of Time) proposing the idea that Ixlilxochitl and other authors might have been confusing different base dates.

The Tulteca & Mayan base date is the year 13 Reed 3114 BC; the Mixtec from Tilantongo, Oaxaca, 13 Reed 11 AD as shown in the Codex Boturini [strangely similar to the Christian and Book of Mormon base date]; and the Chichimec, 13 Reed 647 AD [strangely similar to the 774 carbon spike and Quetzalcoatl the prophet date]. The Codex Vienna has the Tulteca base date, 3114 BC (Codex Nuttall, pp. 73, 76), although in the Mixtec art style, while the Codex Nuttal has the Mixtec base date, AD 11 (Codex Nuttall, p. 4). reference here adapted from Bruce W. Warren.

This idea of different base dates combined caused me to suddenly rethink all the archaeological evidence for cultural collapses and battles, which I had consistently noticed were amazingly similar to the Book of Mormon narrative but that I had before either dismissed or wondered if there was a possible error in the radiocarbon dates for the 11-13th centuries.

Events like those in chart & list below show overwhelming similarity to the Book of Mormon. And having researched the 774 carbon spike previously with its likely indication of a massive Solar Flare or comet event, I decided to do the math and see how the dates would line up if I adjusted them to a ‘Chichimec’ calendar that used the signs & wonders of the 774 Carbon Spike event, instead of the 34 AD Time of Christ signs mentioned in the Book of Mormon. Amazingly, the dates match up nearly to the decade! It simply seemed too good a match to not be true. By supposing that Mormon did not realize there was a huge ‘lacuna‘ (or gap) in the records he was using (which is expected since the Toltec dating systems stopped at 540, and then reset), and that there was actually a missing ~740 years between the signs and destructions of Christ and the signs & destructions of the 774 comet event which Mormon as a Chichimec used, then essentially EVERY DETAIL of the final flight, collapse war and destruction of the last part of the Book of Mormon lines up with archaeological findings.

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Evidence of the Book of Mormon final retreat and battles in the archaeological record

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Book of Mormon EventBOM DateAdj. DateArcheological Eventc14 date
Confused date of Sign of Christ’s Birth0 AD774 AD774/5 AD X-Solar Flare & C14 Spike
(begin Mixtec Calendar)
774 AD
War near Zarahemla (Mormon 1:10)321 AD1095 ADTula decline (8-Deer seizes throne of Tilantongo)1100 AD
Gather to Joshua (Mormon 2:7)330 AD1104 ADLa Quemada/Los Pilarios? (Chichimec migration)
Treaty of Narrow Pass (Mormon 3:5–8)350 AD1124 ADGuesave Mound1100 AD
Tower of Sherrizah370 AD?1144 ADSalmon Ruins Massacre1130 AD
Moriantum girls sacrificed (Mormon 9:9)370 AD?1144 ADCahokia Teen Female Sacrifices1100 AD
Total destruction at Zarahemla?Tula burned & abandoned. (by Chichimec Xólotl)1140 AD
Flight from Boaz (Mormon 4:20–22)375 AD1149 ADChaco Burned & Abandoned1150 AD
Final stronghold (Jordan) defeated (Mormon 5:4)380 AD1153 ADAztlan Mounds fortifications, canibalism, bodies1150 AD
Final stronghold (Jordan) defeated (Mormon 5:4)381 AD1153 ADToltec Mounds abandonment1100 +
Final stronghold (Jordan) defeated (Mormon 5:4)383 AD?1155 ADCahokia Final Burning & Abandonment1170 AD
Final Battle (Mormon 5:5–7)384 AD1158 ADCumorah Mounds1200 AD
Nephite Survivors “head south”385-400 AD1159 ADSoutheast Ceremonial centers1200 AD
Lamanite survivors arrive back in Zarahemla?~400 AD1174 ADAcolhua entered the Valley of Mexico w/Huetzin1168 AD.
Note that 1168 AD is the generally accepted year for the departure of Toltec people from Aztlan (often mythologized by early American settlers to be in the Northern or Central Plains or Southwest US) to the Valley of Mexico.

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Table Event Details

774 AD Radiocarbon/Solar Event. Tree rings for this date show an increase of around 1.2% in the concentration of the radioactive carbon-14 isotope in tree rings dated to 774 or 775 CE, which is about 20 times higher than the normal year-to-year variation of radiocarbon in the atmosphere. Likely caused by a X-Class Solar Flare or possibly a major comet impact combined with some type of solar event. Evidence shows that certain Chichimec, and perhaps Mixtec calendars were restarted at this date. If this event indeed impacted the Western Hemephere and was recorded by Native American authors and reset their calendars, Mormon may have confused this with other records in his library speaking of the similar Birth of Christ event which also reset their calendars based on impressive signs in the heavens. (great reference on 774 event)
Fall/Destruction of Tula, (skull rack). Tula [Toltecs] fell about 1150 AD, but began its decline some time earlier. The Mixtec/Zapotec civil war of 1090 AD from the xxx codex, where 8-Deer seizes the throne of Tilantongo may be the best evidence. With Tula’s end, the Post-Classic pattern came into focus in vibrant clarity: expansive politics, long-distance dynamics, power plays and upheavals, and a swirling world of migrations, invasions, expulsions, and fragmentation. —Lekson p. 242 Figure 9 in “Revised chronology and settlement history of tula and the tula region”, (Healan, et al, 2021), shows the date for the burning and abandonment of various Tula structures. There is evidence of civil unrest as early as 987, but abandonment happens closer to 1065-1180 AD range. Mixtec histories tell that in 987 AD, A rival, Tezcatlipoca, forced Quetzalcoatl out of Tollan, and although legend has it that the latter sailed east across the Atlantic, it is more likely that he invaded Yucatan as the Toltec invader of that time was also called “Plumed Serpent” (Kukulcan in Mayan) (Pohl, 1991; DBR). Then in 1090 8-Deer seizes the throne of Tilantongo after the old lord dies without an heir (Pohl, 1991). Jaltepec realigns itself with a Zapotec competitor to eliminate Tilantongo from the Mixtec alliance structure. (reference here)
Healan 2021 offers precise radiocarbon dating sequences with last firing of main Kiln yielding 1140-1190 AD, Burned stucco from Palacio Quemado, Tula Grande’s destruction by fire at 1140 AD, with five other burn dates of 1175 AD.
La Quemada Destruction, (get the early report, mention the newer later dates), Over 25 skulls, and many disarticulated skeletal parts. Early c14 dates returned 3 of 10 dates in the 500-740 AD range (13 samples). See “The Dating of La Quemada and Theory of its Development”, Christopher Salinas, UWLC Thesis. (I have in pdf repo.) Even though the radiocarbon dates for La Quemada Los Pilarillos is off, I get the feeling that these sites are related to the Chichimeca, and that these battles match the 1111 AD date of the Mixteca leaving Aztlan. (traveled through Chichimec territory to Chicomoztoc – ref)
Los Pilarillos Destruction. huge kill site. “large number” of females, males and babies dead. Grisly pics of mass grave & “Trophy Skull & Femur”. (I highly disagree with archaeologist in thinking its not war because of age and location. skull rack?) Dates match La Quemada. See “Burial Excavations in Plaza 1 of Los Pilarios, Zacatecas, Mexico. Ben A Nelson, 1997. (I have). I think its likely that Los Pilarillos & La Quemada’s radiocarbon date determinations have been corrupted by emitions and/or ash falls from the Colima or Ceboruco volcanic complex. The Ceboruco volcano is known to have erupted in 930 +-200 years (so possibly 1130 AD), and the Colima volcano is known to have erupted three times dated to 1110 AD +-200. If wind directions were to the northeast, these sites could have been covered in non-radiogenic CO2 & ash, skewing the dates older than their reality. (I actually had a dream suggesting this to me)
Funerary (Battle?) Mounds of Guesave/El Ombligo contain remains of 196 individuals (p.219). Most date between 1020-1220 AD (p.231) (talk about how battle graveyards become local graveyards.) Pottery sequences place between 1100-1350 AD. Nearby Huatambampo dates earlier at perhaps 900-1100 AD. A handful of trophy skulls could suggest that at least one layer of the burial mound was battle related, although a lack of trauma marks on bones would suggest only spears were used as death instruments. See “El ombligo en la labor: Differentiation, interaction and integration in prehispanic Sinaloa, Mexico” John Philip, 1957.
–Mochicahui, not bodies, but proof there were cities. Radiocarbon dates are scarce but one mentioned on page 184 is between 830 AD uncalibrated and 1225 calibrated.
Trincheras Hilltop Fire Signal System. Dates mostly between A.D. 800 – A.D. 1450.
Paquime. Lots of dead bodies but site undoubtedly continued to be used after 1050 AD. The main burning and abandonment likely dates to ~1400 AD. Find if there was perhaps an earlier episode of burning.
Chacoan Explotion & Collapse. (Skull Racks, Cannibalism) Most pit house communities were constructed and occupied in the highlands surrounding Chaco Canyon around 1100 AD, most probably with farmers dispersed from the Red Mesa Valley and other areas sound of Chaco; most of these [if not all] were attacked and burned around 1190 AD (Stuart). Kin ya’a and many other prominent Chaco Great houses were burned and abandoned around 1150 AD.
Salmon Ruins Massacre. Founded just before 1100, Salmon was a Chacoan refuge until a number of its women and children were burned in the tower kiva that once arose from the main block. —Anasazi America, by David E. Stuart, p. 105. It was apparently attacked and more than 30 women and children who had sought refuge in its impressive tower kiva died horribly in a fire set to destroy the town in about 1130 AD. —Anasazi America, by David E. Stuart, p. 136.
–Other sites with massacres?
Cahokia Population Explotion & Collapse. Population explodes around 1050 AD. Large pit (Mound 72) contained more than 270 bodies – the majority of them young women killed as victims of human sacrifice. Post from pit shows it was dug as early as 950 AD Six periods of internment are contained. With a local elite level dating to 1030 AD. Many dates exist for main teenage girl sacrifice, late dates span to 1100 AD. (see Kathryn Koziol, 2010 ‘A case study of mound 72’ for detailed dates & description) Fire rips through at 1170 AD, and its population precipitously declines by 1200 AD. See “Epic Fire Marked ‘Beginning of the End’ for Ancient Culture of Cahokia“, Blake Pastino. Or Munoz et al. Another states, At Cahokia’s Mound 72, there are hints of a dark side within the uniting religion. Nineteen women are buried in a mass grave, dating to roughly the beginning of the city. Were they sacrificed? War captives? Rebels? We may never know. Around 1150 CE, civil war broke out. A huge palisade wall, made from more than 20,000 thick tree trunks, was built around one neighborhood. Two other neighborhoods were burned. “By 1180, people were beginning to leave,” says Dye. “By 1250, half of the people are gone” (Chris McCoy, 2024)
Aztlan Mounds were also rapidly built up around 1000 AD, fortified around 1140 AD and abandoned around 1220 AD. Late faze sees traumatic/violent deaths for 80-90 unburied individuals with evidence of burned, butchered and cannibilized remains. (Aztalan Site History, Milwaukee Public Museum) Abandoned by 1220 (“Chronology for Mississippian and Oneota Occupations at Aztalan and the Lake Koshkonong Locality”, Krus & Jeske, also available here)
Toltec Mounds (Plum Bayou) was abandoned ‘abruptly about 1100 AD. (Drake, 2001 Thesis. Rolingson, 1999) A more recent and perhaps more thorough paper without radiocarbon dates puts the date at 1050 AD in five separate instances. “The date for the beginning of Cahokia’s flourishing, perhaps not coincidentally, is approximately A.D. 1050, the same as Toltec’s abandonment… but Toltec certainly was not abandoned in a day”. But notes top layer was plowed off. (Alspaugh 2014 – Examining Late Occupation on Mound D at Toltec Mounds)
New York Burial Mounds. New York burial mounds lay in a bimodal series, with many being from the Hopewell period of 100-400 AD, and most others laying predominantly in the Mississippian cultural tradition of 1000-1200 AD. The Hopewell era burial mounds can be read about in “THE CANEADEA MOUND: A LOOK AT THE MIDDLE WOODLAND PERIOD IN THE NORTHEAST” by Steven Howard 2005. The later dates can be found here.
–Southeast Ceremonial Centers like Etowah see a dramatic build up at about 1000-1200 AD see Reinventing Mississippian Tradition at Etowah Georgia.

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Outline of Toltec History (from Colonial Native Sources)

900 AD
Alta Vista (Zacatecas) control of Turquoise road replaced by control from Quemada (Zacatecas). Copan abandoned. Last recorded Long Count (at Itzimtè). Petén depopulated. Xochicalco burned and abandoned.
987 AD
A rival, Tezcatlipoca, forced Quetzalcoatl (= Ce Àcatl Topìltzin) out of Tollan, and although legend has it that the latter sailed east across the Atlantic, it is more likely that “Tlapàllan was the Yucatan which he took over as the Toltec invader of that time was also called “Plumed Serpent” (Kukulcan in Mayan) (Pohl, 1991; DBR).
1068-1076 AD
Codex Ramirez has Migration beginning in Chicomoztoc (seven caves); They laid the place waste when leaving; Tlacuxquin, Mança-moyagual and Mina-queciguatle were born
1090-1115 AD
8-Deer seizes the throne of Tilantongo after the old lord dies without an heir (Pohl, 1991). Jaltepec realigns itself with a Zapotec competitor to eliminate Tilantongo from the Mixtec alliance structure. Norman conquest is 1066 AD, perhaps they make it to America around 1100 AD? Codex Vatiacanus has this as date of leaving Chicomoztoc.
1111 AD
Approximate date the Mexica left Aztlan, their traditional homeland, traveled through Chichimec territory to Chicomoztoc (‘Seven Caves’; the nomad mustering location), and Cuhuacan (‘Curved Mountain’) (Davis, 1973). Chicomoztoc and Cuhuacan are legendary places and the second should not to be confused with the Cuhuacan in the Valley of Mexico.
1163 AD
Having settled in Coatepec (‘Hill of the Serpent’) near Tollan, the Mexica celebrate the first New Fire of their journey (Davis, 1973)
1156 or 1168 AD
Tula destroyed. Following internal dissention and pressure from migrating Chichimec, the Toltec fled their capital Tollan (Davis, 1973; the date is disputed and could be 1156; Pohl, 1991, says 1178). The last Toltec ruler hanged himself at Chapultepec, a future resting place of the wandering Mexica. The new waves of Chichimec under their warlord Xólotl (‘Monster’) took over the Valley. Tenyuca became the capital of a Toltec-Chichimec empire formed from Toltec remnants and Xólotl’s people (Davis, 1973). Old Toltecs flee into diaspora.
In 1168 AD the Mexica left Coatepec after an abortive rising of against their priest rulers (Davis, 1973). They briefly visited the desolate Tollan, and moved on to Xaltocan in the Valley of Mexico, and Tenyuca (‘The place where the walls are made’) to the west of Lake Texcoco. At that time Xaltocan was the capital of an empire stretching out to the north-east. Several times during this journey the Mexica encountered Huaxtecs, who at that time probably extended further west than their later home on the Gulf of Mexico, including, presumably at a place called Cuextecatl-Ichocayan (‘the place where the Huaxtec wept’).
Toltec lords established other distant capitals at Coixtlahuaca in Oaxaca.
(See Thomas 2003, Timeline for Mesoamerica or Ten Chronologies of Ancient Mexico, Zoltan Simon. or

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Outline of Book of Mormon Final Exodus & Destruction

The final exodus and destruction of the Nephite people took 57-63 years to cover an unknown distance between at least 12 different lands and/or towns from start to finish. Compare that to the exodus of the early Mormon pioneers who coved 2160 miles over a 17 year period building at least as many cities in the 3 major regional centers of Ohio, Illinois/Missouri and Utah, and its easy to see why limited Book of Mormon geographic models which suggest the Nephites only fled 200-300 miles to avoid complete genocide are hard to believe when compared to historical analogs. Whether it be the 900+ mile trail of tears, the 1100+ mile Ostrogothic migrations, 1900+ mile Visigoth migrations, 3000+ mile Turkic migrations or the 2200+ mile Oregon trail, history shows that incredibly large numbers of people are entirely willing and able to cover enormous distances in hopes for a better life.

Summary of cities:
Land of Cumorah
City of Jordan (north-most city. part of line of cities defending north country)

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City of Boaz (gets rest of records from hill Shim; so still near Antum)
Teancum (by seashore & “near the city of desolation”)
City of Desolation in land Desolation (dead cast into sea)
Narrow Pass or Passage (presumably southward of desolation – treaty boundary)
City of Shem in land of Shem (people gathered & city fortified – could be north of Desolation)
City of Jashon in land of Jashon (near Land Antum so gets records – could be north of Desolation)

Land of Joshua (west by seashore)

Land of David (still no mention of any sea)
City of Angola (fortified city, first retreat after Zarahemla.)
Land Zarahemla (war starts)

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Mormon apparently raised in Antum (where Ammaron & the Hill Shim & records are), near the land of Desolation and Jashon, Shem, Teancum & Boaz.

– 321 AD Moroni gets instructions to go to hill Shim in the Land Antum to get records at age 10 (Mormon 1:3)

-Moroni “carried by his father into the land southward, even to the land of Zarahemla” at age 11. (Mormon 1:7)

-War begins “in the borders of Zarahemla, by the waters of Sidon”. (first battle, also 321 AD)  Mormon 1:10

-A number of battles fought, then a truce for four to six years.

-326 AD. At 16 Mormon put in charge of armies.

-327 AD. Lamanites attack again, Nephites retreat “toward the north counties” (Mormon 2:3)

-Moroni’s army take and fortify city of Angola “with their might”, but “notwithstanding their fortifications”, the city is taken. (Mormon 2:4)

-They are “also” driven out of the land of David. (sounds like Angola was not in land David likely next province to the north) Mormon 2:5

-330 AD. They march forth and gather in “one body” to land of Joshua which is “west by the seashore”. (Mormon 2:6–8)  A battle with a force of 40,000 each is fought here… Lamanites retreat. Because of robbers land is “one complete revolution.”

-345AD. Lamanites attack again, Nephites retreat & are pursued to city of Jashon in the Land of Jashon, “near the land [Antum] where Ammaron had deposited the records”. Moroni gets just the plates of Nephi, and leaves the remainder “where they are.” (Mormon 2:17)

-346 AD. Nephites driven “northward to the land which was called Shem”. (Mormon 2:20)   Nephites fortify the city of Shem and are attacked in 346 AD, but win a battle with 30k to 50k. (Mormon 2:25)

-In 350 AD a treaty is made with Lamanites AND the robbers of Gadianton.  They “give unto us the land northward, yea, even to the narrow passage which led into the land southward. And we did give unto the Lamanites all the land southward.” (Mormon 2:29

-For 10 years (350-360 AD), Nephites fortify and prepare. In 360AD Mormon causes his “people that they should gather themselves together at the land Desolation, to a city which was in the borders, by the narrow pass which led into the land southward.  6 And there we did place our armies, that we might stop the armies of the Lamanites, that they might not get possession of any of our lands; therefore we did fortify against them with all our force. 7 And it came to pass that in the three hundred and sixty and first year the Lamanites did come down to the city of Desolation to battle against us”. Nephites beat them. They come again the next year. They beat them a third time. “and their dead were cast into the sea.” (Mormon 3:5–8)

Desolation is by the sea (since dead are thrown in the sea there), by the ‘Narrow Pass’

-in 363AD, the Nephites go on the offensive, up out of desolation, but are driven back to “the land of Desolation” (not city). Then Lamanites attack, and take the city of desolation “slaying many and taking many prisoners”. (Mormon 4:2

-”And the remainder did flee and join the inhabitants of the city Teancum. Now the city Teancum lay in the borders by the seashore; and it was also near the city Desolation.”

Teancum is also somewhat near the sea.

-364AD, Lamanites come against Teancum, and are repulsed, so Nephites follow them and retake Desolation. (Mormon 4:8)

Desolation and Teancum are quite close to each other (With absolutely NO indication that they are on opposite sides of the Narrow Neck. — All this seems to occur on the West Sea)

-In 366AD Lamanites attack and take Desolation, and then Teancum (and sacrifice the inhabitants both women and children.)  Nephites are so angry about the loss of their families they retake the cities and drive the Lamanites out of the land. Then another 10 year pause in fighting (Mormon 4:16)

-In 375AD, the Lamanites come down to desolation with a numberless host. The Lamanite attack base is UP from desolation and Teancum. (Mormon 3:7, 4:17-19) Lamanites come down to desolation. V.1-4 Nephites go up out of desolation to battle Nephites. This makes a northern neck or Cerro trinchera location problematic for desolation and the narrow neck. Perhaps likewise for Mazatlan…Nayarit and Amapa seem more likely.)

-Nephites flea to City of Boaz and fight two battles (still 375 AD? 54 Years after beginning of war). On second attack they flea and women and children are sacrificed again. Nephites flea and “all the inhabitants with them, both in towns and villages” (Mormon 4:22)

-“Seeing the Lamanites were about to overthrow the land”, Mormon goes to the hill Shim and takes up ALL the records. (Mormon 4:23)

Hill Shim is also mentioned in conjunction with the early Jaredites

-“Omer departed out of the land with his family, and traveled many days, and came over and passed by the hill of Shim, and came over by the place where the Nephites were destroyed, and from thence eastward…” (Ether 9:3)

City of Boaz is still relatively close to all the preceding cities? (Antum, Jashon, Desolation). V.10-23 really gives that impression. It’s like they don’t go far from Desolation to Boaz… but once Boaz is taken they “overthrow the land” (Mormon 4:23), so that he has to “take up all the records”.  So everyone seems to flee far away to Jordan. (Jordan could now be the southwest (or Cohokia?), since “their towns, and villages, and cities were burned with fire” (Mormon 5:5).

-in 379AD Nephites flee to city of Jordan, and repulse a Lamanite attack. (Mormon 5:3)  They maintain a line of stronghold cities “that they could not get into the country which lay before us, to destroy the inhabitants of our land.” (Mormon 5:4)

Jordan is likely in the Southwest, one of a line of cities defending the land northward.

-in 380 AD. Nephites begin final flight from Jordan (southwest) to Cumorah. (Mormon 5:6)  Anyone whose flight isn’t faster than the Lamanites is swept down. 59 Years from the beginning of the war.

-in 384 AD Mormon sends a letter to Lamanites requesting to gather to the land of Cumorah “in a land of many waters, rivers, and fountains;”  People finish gathering to Cumorah in 384 AD for final battle. 63 Years after beginning of war.  (Mormon 6:2,5–6)

-401 to 421 Moroni finishes writing the rest of the book and hides it up. 17-38 years after the final battle.

Some thoughts on dates in the final retreat and battle:

Note that the Jewish Metonic cycle adds seven intercalary years (leap year) every 19 years.  So one roughly every 2.7 years.  In strangely similar to the prodigious use of 18,19 & 20 in the Mayan Calendar.  I suspect the Baha’i calendar may be closer to the way the ancient Mesoamerican and ancient Israelites did it, than the current calendar’s.

If this is true… It may be that the Nephites after Christ’s time counted a “prophetic year” (or one of their calendars) as roughly every 2.7 – 3 true sidereal years.  Which is a possible explanation for the discrepancy between Carbon dates for cultural collapses and BOM dates.  So 321 AD would be coincide with 963ish AD and 380 AD would coincide with 1140ish AD. Making both Anasazi and Cahokia dates work. Probably more likely though, that either C14 dates are skewed or the records the authors were working off of, were wrong or misunderstood.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Metonic_cycle

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bah%C3%A1%27%C3%AD_calendar

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maya_calendar#Haab’

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Outline of Jaredite Geography (In relation to their exodus to Cumorah)

– Jaredite barges land in an unknown location after 344 days on the water (Ether 6:11). Floating ducks might give some insight to how far things float in a year, and give evidence for a pacific vs. Atlantic journey.
– Corihor leaves Jaredite ‘Land of inheritance’ and “goes over and dwelt in the land of Nehor” (Ether 7:4).
– Corihor comes back to the Jaredite ‘Land of inheritance’, called Moron and takes the king captive (Ether 7:5).
– Jaredite ‘Land of inheritance’, or ‘land of Moron’, was near the land which is called Desolation by the Nephites (Ether 7:6).
– Shule “came to the hill Ephraim” and “made swords out of steel” and battles Corihor in the “city of Nehor” (Ether 7:9)
– Country or land of inheritance “was divided; and there were two kingdoms, the kingdom of Shule, and the kingdom of Cohor” (Ether 7:20)
– After 2 generations Jared rebelled “and came and dwelt in the land of Heth.” (Ether 8:2) Where he flatters away half his fathers kingdom (presumably moron) so we’re still close to land of inheritance.
– Ether 8:21 shows that the Nephites are already destroyed when the Book of Ether was written.
– Omer is warned in a dream and so “departed out of the land with his family, and traveled many days, and came over and passed by the hill of Shim, and came over by the place where the Nephites were destroyed, and from thence eastward, and came to a place which was called Ablom” with all his family & royal household. (Ether 9:3)
– A small number of men “flee out of the land, and came over and dwelt with Omer” (Ether 9:9)
– Civil war results in the “destruction of nearly all the people of the kingdom, yea, even all, save it were thirty souls.” So Omer was “restored again to the land of his inheritance”, which we presume is Moron (Ether 9:12–13)
– After 62 years, Omer’s son Emer rebuilds a kingdom (with what people?) who become rich and have all sorts of cloths, metals and animals including; silks, gold, silver, cows, goats, horses, elephants, cureloms and cumoms. (Ether 9:14–19)
– Emer’s son Coriantum “builds many mighty cities”, lives to 142 and under his son “people spread again over all the face of the land” then there’s a dearth and their flocks began to flee [from Moron or Desolation] before the poisonous serpents, towards the land southward, which was called by the Nephites Zarahemla” (Ether 9:20–31)
– Note these references. Land of Desolation. Alma 22:30–32Mormon 3:5Ether 7:6.
– Ether 9:32 says, “many of [their flocks] did perish by the way; nevertheless, there were some which fled into the land southward.” Ether 9:34 says serpents “hedge up the way that the people could not pass,” and “the people did follow the course of the beasts.. and devoured them all” This suggest the Land Southward/Zarahemla is really far away from Moron/Desolation. Alma 22:30 sounds like that as well. Most people die, and Shez begins to “build up a broken people” (Ether 10:1)
– Shez “did build up many cities upon the face of the land, and the people began again to spread over all the face of the land.” Ether 10:4
– Morianton sounds like an outsider from a different land (although it doesn’t specify) who “gathered together an army of outcasts, and went forth and gave battle unto the people; and he gained power over many cities” until he “gain power over all the land, and did establish himself king over all the land” and then he “built up many cities” (Ether 10:9–12). He could easily be from far away like Watson Break or Poverty Point.
– ONLY after Lib (how many generations/years later? 4?) do they “go into the land southward, to hunt food for the people of the land, for the land was covered with animals of the forest.” Once again this sounds like the Land Southward is really far away from the Kingdom at this point. Has it shifted to the Eastern US by now? It’s here that Lib “built a great city by the narrow neck of land”. BUT NOTE THE LOGIC!!!! Moron and the Jaredite Land of Inheritance was “near [but not in?] the land which is called Desolation by the Nephites” (Ether 7:6). But now Lib builds a city by the Narrow Neck, and makes the Land Southward a hunting ground like its somewhere far away! Leaving “whole face of the land northward covered with inhabitants“. (Ether 10:21) Note we seem to have switched to THE LAND NORTHWAD. Really this part doesn’t make much sense if the whole last chapter was on the Narrow Neck in the Olmec lands. And it is a poor fit archaeologically since there’s just as many cities south near Izapa & Mirador as north in the Mexican Highland at this point (date?).
– During Libs time there’s a LOT of mining and manufacture again with silks and gold, sliver, iron and copper from mines casting up “mighty heaps of earth” (Ether 10:23). Hard pretend that Lake Superiors copper mines aren’t included in this such as Isle Royale Copper Mines dated from 4-5000 BC.
– After several generations during the reign of Shiblon there’s “a great destruction, such an one as never had been known upon the face of the earth” (Ether 11:4–8). We have no clue if this is in Moron near desolation or somewhere else in ‘The Land Northward’ of Ether 10:21.
– The King Moron of Ether 11:14–18 probably has some association to the ‘Land Moron’, but we can’t be sure.
– Coriantumr “was king over all the land”, perhaps suggesting he rules like Lib all the way from the Land northward to the Narrow Neck (Ether 12:1)
– Ether prophesies that “this land” was “the place of the New Jerusalem”, possibly suggesting that he lives in the Land Northward maybe near Independence somewhere. (Ether 13:2–4,6)
– Since he “hid himself in the cavity of a rock by day, and by night he went forth viewing the things which should come upon the people… viewing the destructions which came upon the people, by night.” (Ether 13:13–14) we know he lived near the Jaredite heartland which had somewhere with caves he could hide in. (The ozarks?)
– The final battle between Coriantumr & Shared starts in the Valley of Gilgal (Ether 13:27). Apparently by the Jaredite heartland, the only indication of its location is still Ether’s prophesy suggesting he’s probably somewhere close to the future New Jerusalem or Independence MO.
– They go back and forth between the Valley of Gilgal & plains of Heshlon. (Ether 13:27–30)
– War moves to wilderness of Akish. (Ether 14:3) And then into the Land of Moron where he “placed himself upon the throne of Coriantumr”. (Ether 14:6). THIS IS HUGE. We are back now to the Jaredite land of inheritance. HOW? Is there a different land or moron? Did we move back at some point? Did we ever leave?
– Note a Shared’s ‘High Priest’ is murdered in a “Secret pass”. Does this suggest Moron is near mountains where “passes” exist? The Olmec lands have few passes. Could be a “secret pass” in the town though?
– More battles occur in Land of Moron, and then “upon the seashore” showing Moron is near the sea (Ether 14:11–13)
– They head back to the wilderness of Akish, showing it’s close to the Land of Moron (Ether 14:14)
– Then on to new & different plains (plains of Agosh) “taken all the people with him as he fled before Lib in that quarter of the land whither he fled.” v. 15, and then he “overthrows many cities, and he did slay both women and children, and he did burn the cities.” v.17
– There is then a long “flock[ing] together of armies” and long march “from the shedding of blood to the shedding of blood,” just like the Nephites (Ether 14:18–22) THIS IS WHERE THE MARCH TO NEW YORK WOULD HAPPEN.
– After a long period of gathering and war (it uses the words “great and lasting” in Ether 14:21), It says “Shiz did pursue Coriantumr eastward, even to the borders by the seashore”. We have no idea exactly how long or how far the armies have traveled at this point, but the 2 MILLION casualties from Ether 14:24–31 & Ether 15:1–3 suggest it could be a long time and a long ways until they finally end up near “the waters of Ripliancum, which, by interpretation, is large, or to exceed all” (Ether 15:8) which is NORTH (Ether 15:10) of, and “by” the hill Rama which is “that same hill where my father Mormon did hide up the records unto the Lord” (Ether 15:10)
– It then says they spend 4 years doing a final gathering for war (same as Nephites?). It suggest that gathering happens in tents near the hill, but its not specific so it could also be in the Adena lands of Ohio and northeast Penn “by” Cumorah.
– After it all Ether “hid [his record] in a manner that the people of Limhi did find them.” (Ether 15:33)

Overview. Although the Jaredite story beings in Moron, near the land which is called Desolation by the Nephites (Ether 7:6). Note that Ether 10:21 suggest the Jaredite heartland moves from Desolation and the Narrow Neck to ‘The Land Northward’, somewhere seemingly distant from the Land Southward which is made a hunting ground with a ‘Great City’ guarding it. However, by at least Ether 14:3 it has moved back to the Land of Moron (although its possible it never left). The final retreat and battle however is “great and lasting” and takes the armies through many lands until finally going “eastward” to Ripliancum, which, by interpretation, is large, or to exceed all” (Ether 15:8) which is NORTH (Ether 15:10) of, and “by” the hill Rama which is the Cumorah of the Nephites.

Outline of places

Establishment of Moron & the divided kingdom
–Moron & Nehor
Possible movement to Land Northward
–Lib’s city built by narrow neck, land southward preserved
Back at Moron by final war
–Valley of Gilgal (Ether 13:27)
–Plains of Heshlon
–Back to Moron (Ether 14:6–11)
–the seashore (v. 12-13)
–wilderness of Akish
–plains of Agosh (v.15)
–Shiz burns and overthrows many cities (v.17)
march forth from the shedding of blood to the shedding of blood (v.22)
–Shiz did pursue Coriantumr eastward, even to the borders by the seashore (v.26)
–THESE LAST TWO FLIGHTS ABOVE ARE LIKELY THE ONES THAT GO MOSTLY FROM MORON TO RIPLIANCUM.
–Note there’s NEVER a north or westward flight (as you’d expect from olmec lands)
–Shiz fled to the land of Corihor (v.27)
–Shiz pitched their tents in the valley of Corihor (in the land of Corihor v.28)
–Coriantumr pitched his tents in the valley of Shurr… near the hill Comnor (likely near Valley of Corihor chasing Shiz)
–They have 2 “sore” battles on Hill Comnor.
–2 Million now dead. (men, women & children)
–They flee to waters of Ripliancum (Ether 15:8))
–Flee “southward, and did pitch their tents in a place which was called Ogath” (v.10)
–Coriantumr pitches his armies tent at Hill Rama (which is same as Cumorah) in pursuit.
–Spend 4 years gathering for final battle.

Archaeology of the Final Exodus

Start with Tula and go through each of the sites…

La Quemada

A new study that analyzed human bones found at the La Quemada archaeological site in Mexico, has revealed that the ancient people that inhabited the site 1,500 years ago ate their enemies and hung up their bones and skulls for display.

La Quemada archaeological site
La Quemada archaeological site ( Wikimedia Commons )

La Quemada is a Mesoamerican site, located in the Villanueva Municipality, in the state of Zacatecas, Mexico. Research suggests it was first occupied around 300 AD, and reached its peak between 600 and 850 AD. It became a leading center that connected 220 settlements via a network of roads to circulate taxes and resources that sustained the population and formed processional routes to honor their deities. La Quemada represents the most significant monumental settlement in north central Mexico for its architecture. At the site there is a large residential area with square columns, a ball game court, and a pyramidal base called a Votive Pyramid.

The researchers believe the architecture at La Quemada suggests a defensive function.
The researchers believe the architecture at La Quemada suggests a defensive function. ( Wikimedia Commons )

La Quemada is considered somewhat of an enigma among historians and archaeologists. Given the distance between La Quemada and the center of Mesoamerica, its role and cultural background has been subject of many different interpretations. Some have identified it as the place of the legendary Chicomostoc, where the Aztecs were said to have remained for nine years during their voyage to Anahuac, the heartland of Aztec Mexico. Others have associated it with a Caxcan site, a Teotihuacán fortress, a Tarascan centre, a fort against Chichimeca intruders, or a Toltec trading post.

While researchers do not yet have all the answers, a new study published in the journal  Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences  has uncovered a new grisly piece of information about this mysterious site – they ate their enemies and hung up their remains for display.

A pair of archaeologists from Arizona State University studied bones found inside and outside the compound, which dated to between 500 and 900 AD. They found that the outdoor bones show signs of cut marks, bone splinters, and burning, all characteristics consistent with cannibalism. In addition, some of the skulls were found with holes drilled in the center, suggesting they belonged to defeated enemies whose heads had been placed on public display outside the temple walls.

A skull with a hole drilled in the center, which is believed to have been hung from the front wall of the Temple
A skull with a hole drilled in the center, which is believed to have been hung from the front wall of the Temple (Nelson et al/PNAS)

On the other hand, bones found inside the compound show signs of disarticulation and defleshing after some period of post-mortem desiccation and decay. They also represent all ages and both males and females, suggesting the purpose of the defleshing was ancestor veneration.

The researchers believe the indoor bones belonged to the local residents of La Quemada, while the outdoor bones were of ethnic others, who came to attack.

“During the time when the people were living there, the researchers note, the area was under stress, enduring upheaval due to rapid change—Teotihuacan city had collapsed and a new society was under development, one that consisted of multiple smaller scale groups living across the Northern Frontier. That inevitably led to violence, which the researchers note, can be seen in how the bodies of the vanquished were treated,” reports Phys.org. “Other evidence of the violence that occurred was the architecture itself, fortresses meant to keep invaders at bay.”

This Section Under Construction. (Outline)

Northwest directional wind dynamic during typical summer/late summer in West Mexico where volcanic gases from Jalisco Volcanic centers might blow into sites like Los Pilarios & La Quemada.

-there truly is overwhelming archaeological AND historical evidence of destruction, BOTH at 380 AD and 1100 AD. So we’re going to go through every site and show the archeological evidence for BOTH timelines. But first lets go through the evidence of why the timelines might be off.

-we see evidence of TWO great destructions. So TWO possibilities. With two reasons for the second possibility. (bom wrong or c14 wrong)

-Multiple Calendar Confusion: Gordon Brotherston demonstrated that most of the codices from central and southern Mexico had a “base date” from which the many calendar dates within them were calculated. (A Key to the Mesoamerican Reckoning of Time: The Chronology Recorded in Native Texts; British Museum Occasional Papers 38, London, 1982). Brotherston identifies three codex groups, each with a different base date, which he labels Tulteca, Mixtec, and Chichimec. The Tulteca & Mayan base date is the year 13 Reed 3114 BC (strangely similar to the Jewish Calendar base date of 3761 BCE); the Mixtec from Tilantongo, Oaxaca, 13 Reed 11 AD as shown in the Codex Boturini (strangely similar to the Christian and Book of Mormon base date – Tilantongo being our land of Nephi and immigrants to xochicalco); and the Chichimec, 13 Reed 647 AD (strangely similar to the 774 carbon spike and Quetzalcoatl the prophet date). The Codex Vienna has the Tulteca base date, 3114 BC (Codex Nuttall, pp. 73, 76), although in the Mixtec art style, while the Codex Nuttal has the Mixtec base date, AD 11 (Codex Nuttall, p. 4). reference adapted from Bruce W. Warren.

-the Toltec fixation with the Teotihuacan Quetzalcoatl cult. Its shown in Chichenizta, in Xoxicalco which was settled from Tilantongo/Central Oaxaca rulers/traders, Cholula,

-Go through each individual city and battle.
–Teotihuacan. quote of sacrifices
–Chalchihuites. (peak at 400 AD, then decline)
–Sonora Culture (find where a decline hits at 400 AD
–Hopewell Culture (find info)

Be sure to add pics of the bodies, skull racks and cannibalisms headlines, both here and PowerPoint, so if people just scroll through they get the point of it


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Viking, Norman, Austronesian Connection to the Book of Mormon?

Go through the names of each of the generals mentioned in Mormon & Moroni and the etymology of how many of them are Greek/Latin or Austronesian and then correlate teh dates with the Viking anals, Norman conquest and Eastern US runestones and Maine Penny and L’anse meadows viking site and how we likely have the scope of the viking colonization of America wrong. Show friedbergs painting and make a case for the later timeline being either a repeat or the real date. Show the Tucson artifacts with translation.

Book of Mormon and the Seer Stone

Arguments For and Against the Authenticity of the Book of Mormon

Book of Mormon and the Seer Stone

Book of Mormon and the Seer Stone

Overview

Despite the Book of Mormon being the source of the strongest spiritual awakening of my life,  I likely would believe the Book of Mormon to be a non-historical or mythical spiritualist channeling instead of an actual history –were it not for this model and a few of the key evidences offered in this section.  I’ve found that the predominate Heartland and limited Mesoamerican models out there seem to conflict with the overall impression, scope and internal model of the book (as I’ve delineated in this article). However, this unique continental geography model overcomes those limiting issues as it essentially matches every major Book of Mormon city and culture with essentially the biggest and most influential archaeological sites, cultures, migrations and societal collapses on the ancient North American continent (in the way the book seems to portray). It also explains many of the cultural anachronisms, 19th century religious overtones, and KJV biblical quotes by comparing the translation process to other forms of spiritual mediumship used in many other American religious works of the 1800’s. (See OahspeUrantia Bible, or the other texts featured in our channeled texts section. Also see the Kolbrin and Ixtlilxochitl’s translations of Aztec Codices for amazing analogs to the Book of Mormon translation).

Still though… As a scientist and analytical thinker I continually weigh the arguments for and against Book of Mormon authenticity against each other, in the same way that I weigh the Egyptian chronologies of Menetho or Herodotus against archaeological evidence to determine how much weight to give those supposed historical accounts.


Neutral Arguments

-the arguments concerning animal anachronisms and metal anachronisms aren’t very good in my opinion.  They really could go either way. On one hand they seem anachronistic because you might think Joseph “didn’t know” that there weren’t horses or cows or swords in ancient America. On the other hand, many of the supposed anachronism ARE things a 17th century author likely would have known about ancient America, and yet they put them in there anyway–only to be later proven correct (copper, ziff, swords, early transoceanic travel, migration from the pacific coast, etc). Either way, the majority of these can mostly be explained by a loose translation. Overall the anachronism arguments seem to cancel each other out and be a neutral proof–unconvincing either for or against authenticity.


Poor Arguments

-the idea that the Book was written so fast is proof of its truthfulness is a horrible argument. Many channeled texts which Mormon’s would have issue with, were written with incredible speed. Oahspe (supposedly channeled from light beings in 1850) is a great example. Over 1000  pages channeled in a number of weeks. The Urantia Bible and the writings of other people like Ellen White are other great examples. The Aquarian gospel of Jesus Christ and many other exist as well. People who use this argument are unfamiliar with channeled literature.


Arguments Against Authenticity

-CES letter issues such as word-for-word King James Bible language, and the mistakes in the King James Isaiah being propagated in the Book of Mormon are a pretty solid argument against authenticity—  There is little doubt the B.O.M. Isaiah chapters were copied straight from the King James, with only a couple changes made by the “translator as he went”. The chances of these being the originals are slim–if they were originals we would expect significant differences. The Dead Sea Scrolls version of Isaiah contains 2600 textual variants when compared with the Masoretic codex.[2]  We would expect at least as many, if not more in the Book of Mormon were it truly a 600BC text. The only viable explanation I can fathom is that the B.O.M. is an incredibly “loose” translation, where Joseph was required to come up with most of the words himself, getting only ideas psychically–with the exception of names and places which had to be spelled out in a very time consuming and difficult channeling process. Thus for simplicity and brevity, the Spiritual channels, passing the information to Joseph pulled the KJV text out of his mind (because Joseph had read it previously, and it existed in his sub-conscious). Note: The channeled work, The Law of One explains in more detail how this channeling works, and tediously “spells out” numbers.

-See Dan Vogel’s stuff on anti-universalism in the B.O.M.  The similarity in phraseology to other literature in Joseph’s day, makes it seem an awful lot like a product of his times.  At the same time however, is seems unlikely that Joseph would have been reading very much of the theological literature of his day… let alone be able to reproduce it.  Could this be evidence of some kind of ‘group consciousness’ aspect of channeling?  At any rate, the anti-universalism and Christology do NOT seem like anything that would have existed in an ancient text.  Could the Book of Mormon (like many channelings) be a mixture of things in Joseph’s mind, with things in the cultural ‘group mind’ of New England mixed perhaps with a true true history of ancient America? https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wm7t7pNUWAM   (Note the similarities in Oahspe’s channeled account of ancient America, or the Law of One’s channeled accounts of the past, and the Book of Mormons.)

-The New Testament allusions in the Book of Mormon are incredibly suspect. Whether it be Moroni’s sermon on charity in Mor. 7:x, which shares exact phraseology with Paul, or whether it be the shared Pauline phraseology concerning “dead works” and baptism in Moroni 3-6.  There is a lot of the New Testament in the Book of Mormon.  These references seem to be obviously influenced by someone who had read the New Testament and was brought up in Anglo-Christian culture.  And they flow just like the Old Testament allusions. Really what are the chances that was written by chance in 400 AD Mesoamerica?  Find something in India or China like that… very unlikely. Frankly, the text reads incredibly like many of the Spanish Codices, where true historical mexican histories and myth are being translated and transcribed into sixteenth century European Christianized language, format & culture.  Of course, much of this could be explained with a ‘loose translation’, where original concepts were translated into 19 century biblical wording, phrases and organization.

-Verses that predict the three witnesses, and Anthon translation are crazy suspect.  Why would someone in 500 BC prophesy about that?  Its so inconsequential and asinine, it just fits the King James reading of Isaiah, why even put it in there?  I guess its possible, but seems lamely improbable.  These are too improbable that the only redeeming explanation of these is that the entire 116 lost pages section (Ether, 1 Nephi, 2 Nephi) were re-channeled completely different than the original in way that wasn’t even a loose translation, but a modern summary attempting to capture some essence of the original text.

-Also the prophecy in Ether by “Joseph” saying another “Joseph” who is the son of Joseph will restore his words…. totally crazy. Joseph didn’t even prophecy about Christ or David or Moses… and yet he prophesies about Joseph Smith?  Not likely. These would have to be transcription injections by Joseph. (see above reasoning)

-Southpark’s ‘dum, da, dum, dum’ bit on why Joseph couldn’t just retranslate the ‘lost 116 pages’ is a really good point. The explanation given in the D&C that others changed these pages and were going to accuse Joseph that they didn’t match makes little sense.  The fact that he couldn’t reproduce the same pages is FAR more damning against the “translation’s” legitimacy than any “changed” text that Harris’s wive’s friends could have produced. Why not just retranslate it? A more possible explanation is the opposite of that given in D&C 12.  That the Book of Mormon was loosely channeled, and that a second draft would have actually been SO different from the original that those who stole the pages would have accused Joseph of fraud, not because THEY changed things, but because the differences in Joseph’s second draft would have been significant (even if they were substantially similar in concept, but vastly different in wording, order and storyline).

The only believable explanation I can find with these is the idea of a mixed “social memory complex” given in ‘The Law of One’.  (Essentially a group-consciousness of spirits or resurrected beings living in higher planes of existence or the shared mental realm of humanity itself).  Because there is such notable Anglo-Christian and Mesoamerican influence I could conceive that if a social memory complex existed in the heavens which was composed of both European/Anglo Christians and Mesoamericans (perhaps groups of deceased Mesoamericans who were taught by Spanish Bishops in the period between the Spanish Conquest of Mexico and Joseph Smith), and that if this group had an agenda wanting to publish their records and story and allowed both Joseph’s and their own ideas to be injected into the channeling.

-why didn’t Joseph just show people the actual plates? All the secrecy and the accounts that the 3 & 11 witnesses only saw the plates with an “eye of faith” or “spiritual vision”, is suspect. (although there are conflicting accounts which attest to seeing them too). But given as a whole, it makes me think that even Joseph, also only saw the plates “in vision”.  Also the fact that he seems to have purposefully deceived people by using the hat and a “cover” to obscure the plates. Either this is the higher plane group trying to preserve the “free will distortion” spoken of in the Law of One, or there really was deceit going on here, which doesn’t speak well for the BOM’s authenticity.  The idea that “God took the plates” after Joseph was done is completely ridiculous.  If that was a possibility, then why didn’t god just take them from Moroni?  Then he could have given them to anyone, anytime in history afterwards. No need to wait until 1830 in New York; he could have done it in Mexico City in 1620 or Missouri in 1860, and avoided all the persecution and issues which came from Joseph supposedly digging them up only to constantly hide them. I think the Ankalan channeling is a perfect analog. Joseph really believed all his visions were real. But in order to get others to believe him, he constantly stretched the truth and used nebulous language to obscure the difference between visionary experiences and objectively real experiences.

Of course its also possible he wrote the B.O.M. and all his other “revelations” with a few friends from pure imagination. And made up the church and “kingdom” as he went. However, given the Kolbrin, and that Xong Xiuquan “coincidentally” did almost the same thing in China in the same decade, with his “heavenly kingdom” and continental Taiping Rebellion seems even more implausible even with the above issues.


Arguments For Authenticity

-the Book of Mormon’s allusion in the Bible are amazing. Whoever wrote it, knew the bible like a champ. Really in an almost impossible way. Nephi’s allusions to the cities of refuge in Leviticus, as a justification for why it was OK for him to slay Laban are so subtle.. who would have ever thought about that? And that’s just one example of many. Witnesses attest that he recited all the Isaiah and malachi sections in the plates without referencing other sources.

-The mention of “elephants, curloms and cumoms” could be a pro (or neutral) argument to me. Mammoths were written about as early as 1722 by John Bell who explored the Ob River in Russia. Mammoths were first popularly described by German scientist Johann Friedrich Blumenback in 1799. And were well known enough that Thomas Jefferson used the world ‘Mammoth’ as an adjective in 1802. But it seems like a stretch that he would have decided to put them in the book as being “especially useful for the food of man”.  What are the chances that he knew that they (as well as other extinct megafauna) were a major food staple in the Paleoindian diet, and that their extinction seems to be related to climate change (a dearth) and over hunting?  Why did he call them ‘Elephants’ instead of ‘Mammoths?’  Why invent these other crazy words ‘curelom and cumom’ to describe other animals that were ‘especially useful for the food of man’.

-The idea that Nephi sailed across the pacific from the Indian Ocean instead of across the Atlantic like the pilgrims doesn’t fit what you’d expect a New Englander who was making up a novel would write.

-The fact that the arrival of true writing in Mesoamerica with the Zapotec script matches so well with my model for the Nephites is  a huge proof. (and that earlier Olmec script is so different).  And that it coincides so well with class stratification and and new system of government and stratified priestly ruling system in Monte Alban, with a two columned temple like Solomon’s.  Seriously crazy coincidences.

-The general fit of cultures in the Book of Mormon fits crazy well with the Zapotec, Highland Cultures and Mayan.  You couldn’t ask for a better fit.  The continental collapse of each culture from the Maya to the Toltec to the Anasazi and Mississippian between 700AD & 1400AD is an amazing coincidence. The Book of Mormon’s narrative for these downfalls it far better than the narrative believed by archaeologists currently. Only time will tell if the Carbon Dates could actually be skewed in the way they’d have to be— but I think the evidence sides better with the Book of Mormon (especially with the Anasazi rise and disappearance).

-The River Sidon the the Rio Balsas is an amazing fit… I don’t think Joseph would have been able to imagine anything but New England or Yucatan type rivers (far too large to cross without boats).  Yet his descriptions of the River Sidon fit perfectly with the arid, seasonal flow of Balsas as well as it being a major geographical boundary between the Nephite & Lamanite lands.

-If Joseph or some New Englander wrote the Book of Mormon with Mesoamerica in mind, (as the ‘Narrow Neck’ suggests) why didn’t they mention pyramids?  Why call them towers? The ‘tower’ and building project of King Noah fits so perfectly with Monte Alban, its uncanny.  But why not call them pyramids to better capture the imagination of his readers. He throws in the phrase ‘reformed Egyptian’, (which I think all New Englanders were captivated by the ‘Egyptian-like’ writing of Mesoamerica), why not call the towers what they undoubtedly would have been… pyramids?  Why not make the narrow neck fit Panama if that’s what he was envisioning? Why not mention jungles?  Or ANYTHING that made the location somewhat obvious.  Why not make the land at least SOMEWHAT fit South America or Mexico?  But it doesn’t. He would have had access to an accurate map of central and south America, so why does the VERY detailed geography of the Book of Mormon, NOT fit the known topography?  This is far more likely of an actual ancient text written by people who had a non-modern distorted view of their own geography (much like herodotus and other legitimate ancient geographers).

-Seems strange for anyone to have the Jaredites come in tight ‘dish-like’ boats and take so much longer than the Lehites and kill of and eat the elephants (mammoths), when all of that strongly contradicts the 1820’s prevailing views.    And what are the chances that so much (circumstantial?) evidence of cuneiform would surface in North America? The Chief Joseph Tablet from 1877 and the Georgia (Hearn) Tablet from 1963 made from lead. The Shawnee Creek Stone from Oklahoma also seems to bare a resemblance to middle-eastern culture. https://newsmaven.io/indiancountrytoday/archive/where-did-chief-joseph-get-his-mesopotamian-tablet-JuItqhPUYkeYmvcooUO6kA/

-‘Description of Antiquities Discovered in the State of Ohio and other Western States’ by Caleb Atwater, gives an origin story for the native americans somewhat similar to the B.O.M.  Alluding to them coming from ‘the tower of babel’ (p. xx). And in another part migrating from ‘Hindustan’ (p. 213) or ‘Tartarary’ (north Asia). James Adair in ‘History of the Indians (1775), also suggests the tower, and later the ’10 tribes’ or explorers sent from David’s kingdom, alluding to the Bering strait (Kamschatska, p. 219/20).

However, Rancesco Clavigero’s ‘History of Mexico’ (1806) give a FAR more modern view talking of how natives could have arrived here by sea or land, but most likely across the ice of the bering strait.  He also speaks of elephants & Mammouts. (p. 106) As well as how there were NO horses, asses or bulls in America until Europeans brought them there. see http://olivercowdery.com/texts/bookindx.htm

OUTLINE OF GREAT CORRELATIONS IN ORDER

-Having barge-like boats (no sails) get the Jaredites to N.America instead of just walking across the Bering Strait was a bold and amazing call. He wouldn’t have known about the lack of an ‘ice free corridor’ debate that rages today.  And I would suspect a boat voyage from Asia across the bering strait (which was a view of his day) would be incredibly short… so why did Joseph have them travel twice as long as the Nephites in crazy type raft-boats?

-Jaredites hunting mammoths to extinction is another great call. I’ve seen no evidence of this information being known in 1830

-The story of Omer and the Bull Brook Complex is an amazing fit! (what are the chances?)

-Having a lone Jaredite outpost by the narrow neck with architecture (mounds) like the north American heartland is an amazing fit with the Adena vs Olmec.

-Having the Nephites travel across Arabia, and then traverse the pacific the way they did seems very unintuitive for someone in 1830. did he have ANY clue of the south pacific islands that could be hopped?

-Nahom is a pretty fair match or ‘coincidence’. Just having the name be the same is a big deal, because Nahom is NOT in the bible. (but Nahum is). Likewise with the newly publicized Beit Lehi (cave in Israel).  Lehi also isn’t a name in the Bible, its only a place mentioned only once in connection with David.  So to find it as a common name all the way into the Greek period is a great evidence that Joseph picked a name very likely to have been in use.  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FDqIfI1Fwcg

–The match between some of the earliest writing in Monte Alban, and the City of Nephi is amazing. And really the correlation with pyramids and hieroglyphic writing in general is a pretty obvious match. Its kind of mind blowing that this similarity is so universally dismissed by academics. (even the Javan pyramid makes a great match with the story)

-The match with ___’s work in San Jose Migote with the new religion, and two room temple ‘men’s house’ and its introduction of complex social structure is an amazing fit.

-The match between Monte Alban and its ‘tower’, 2 room temple, alter and prison with BOM stories of the same is amazing. How could you ASK for better matches?

-The distinct Olmecean culture of Zarahemla and its correlation to the Kolbrin egyptian stories might be one of the biggest matches of all! (you need to write about this!)  Included in that is how all the creation stories have them coming from the north! Near Sanora, just like the BOM says of the mulekites.

-The match of Captain Moroni’s line of defensive cities with the Miztec and East Coast cities is also a good match.  I can’t really find ANY OTHER MODEL with a geographic match of those defensive lines!

-The story of the great gathering under Lachoneus (3 Ne 3) to defend against the Gadianton Robbers matching with the creation of Teotihuacan is so fantastic, that if it isn’t true… its better than the truth.

-The volcanism in the Mexican Highland and its proximity to the Nephite capital is also better than any other model.

-The Nephite destruction matching with the fall of every major empire in North America is a fantastic match.. once again, if it isn’t the truth… it makes a better story than whatever the truth is.

-Also the narrative of Racism built into the BOM of POGP, as an explanation of so little DNA is pretty believable. (utterly destroyed)

-The match of the gathering at desolation and the ‘Chacoan phenomena’ is fantastic, especially in its match to _____’s stories of migrating Toltecs going all the way to Cahokia.

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CONCLUSION AND FINAL THOUGHTS

-In my opinion, because of these issues, if one is to have faith in any sort of divinity concerning the text, you’ve got to see it as a ‘channeled text’ instead of a revealed or translated text.  It needs to go in the same genre as other channeled texts like Oahspe, Urantia, D&C, or A Course in Miracles.  Joseph channeled it through his own mind or subconscious from some unknown source. He saw the ‘plates’ in vision just like the author of The Aklatan did. (see Did the Eleven Witnesses Actually See the Gold Plates?) He continually stretched the truth and led people to believe that his visions or both the plates and god were objective experiences, because he wanted people to believe them (as he thoroughly believed them). But like those other channeled texts, it has so many great truths that one could be justified as building a faith around the idea of there being divinity in the book (like the Bible, Koran, writings of Ellen White, or other religious texts with form a basis for a faith community). It seems entirely possible that it actually  depicts a true history of certain regions of prehistoric North America.  But one must also accept it’s major issues and come to terms with the possibility that it is not a historical translation of an ancient text. I could see some ancient native religious/military leader converting to Western Christianity in the Spirit World and then working through Joseph’s subconscious to create something that put ancient religious ideas into 17th century Christian religious terms—in addition to adding a bunch of sermons on 17th century contemporary issues..  More likely Joseph (likely with Spirit being helpers, pulled ancient American historical events and concepts out of the ‘Akashic records‘ and mixed it with sermons answering contemporary Christian theological problems. It could certainly be largely true. But certainly not as a translated ancient text without substantial addition and translation of ancient concepts into modern language, culture and ideology.

The Mexican Highland-Continental Book of Mormon Geography Model (book drafts)

by Lance Weaver

The following is a draft version of my under construction Book of Mormon geography book, entitled, The Book of Mormon Mexican Highland Continental Model. It is a work in progress currently doubling as a video and in person presentation. Currently at over 200 pages, when finished it will be published as one or two coffee table books, as well as YouTube video summaries of my model. Use keyboard arrows to advance slides once the viewer has focus. Or see the PDF below (same book)

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This below is an out of date version of the above slides/book in pdf format.

With cursor in the above window (when window has focus), scroll down to see the rest of the document w

Comparing Book of Mormon Geography Models

A few of the most popular Book of Mormon Model’s

TABLE OF CONTENTS/LINKS
Issues with most models
The heartland model
Limited Mesoamerican models
2 Cumorah theory
The Sorenson/Grijalva models

The Usumacinta models
The Mexican Highland model

Introduction

Among Book of Mormon enthusiasts, there are two primary camps of belief concerning where the events in the book took place. One camp, called the Heartland group, believes the Book of Mormon took place in the ‘heartland’ or center of the eastern United States. This group uses archaeological evidence of ancient Hopewell, Adena and middle woodland cultures to support their model’s claims. A second, more academic group of Book of Mormon enthusiasts believe the Book of Mormon took place entirely in the Mesoamerican area of Southern Mexico and Northern Guatemala. This groups correlates Mayan ruins in Chiapas and Veracruz with Book of Mormon events. GatheredinOne, however is dedicated to a third model loosely proposed by Joseph Smith (you can read ALL his quotes on the matter here) and expanded by this author, called the Mexican Highland-Continental model—where BOTH the United States and Mexico are primary regions of Book of Mormon lands.

Joseph’s ‘Continental Model‘ was never fully developed and quickly lost support even among the earliest Book of Mormon researchers because none could reconcile the idea he seemed to suggest that Mesoamerica was the Nephite Land Southward, while the US Southwest and Midwest were the Nephite land of Desolation—that according to the text, should be directly north of the Book of Mormon’s “narrow neck of land” (which the book seems to paint as an isthmus). This “narrow neck problem“, divided the church and gave rise to a third camp led by Orson Pratt suggesting a Hemispheric model which included North AND South America with Panama as the narrow neck. The current author, however believes to have solved the narrow neck problem by correlating the Book of Mormon’s narrow neck with the Baja California peninsula. In this model, the narrow neck was merely the defining feature used by the ancients (and later Aztec Chroniclers to delineate the border between the Book of Mormon’s Land Southward (Mexico) and the Land Northward (the United States). In another article I show that in the Book of Mormon nothing ever happens ON the narrow neck, only BY. And the ‘narrow passes’ of the Book of Mormon were only assumed to be on the narrow neck.

Issues with Most Book of Mormon Geographic Correlations

The Book of Mormon’s internal geographic model is incredibly detailed and consistent. Perhaps as much so as any ancient record of its genre. But no Book of Mormon model is without substantial problems when it comes to fitting the geographic descriptions of the text with real world analogs. This article attempts to critique a few of the most popular models with the text.

Although Mesoamerican models generally do a better job at matching the geography of the text than heartland models, still the most difficult geographic feature to reconcile is the detailed configuration of Nephite/Lamanite ‘border’ cities explained the the war chapters of Alma 42-54. In Alma 50:7–14 we learn that Moroni creates a NEW border between the Nephite and Lamanite lands, and fortifies it with garrisons/cities which run between the Land of Nephi and Land of Zarahemla “in a straight course from the east sea to the west [sea]” (Alma 50:8–11, esp. verse 11; Alma 22:27). Alma 56:25 (see also Alma 59:5–7, Alma 43:22) verifies this by showing that south frontier town of Manti, while only a few days march from the west sea city and other south frontier garrisons (Alma 52:12,15Alma 56:31), is also close enough to reasonably march to Nephihah and Moroni and the east sea (Alma 51:26). Moroni also fortifies the entire east coast from the new southern border all the way to the “Narrow Pass” (Alma 50:34; Alma 52:9) which leads to the land Northward. In essence making a backward L of defensive cities to guard the Nephite southern frontier and eastern coast.

Book of Mormon Geography (internal model)
Version 3 of my Internal model of Book of Mormon Geography. (made similar to the BYU model to avoid accusations of bias)

When Amalickiah comes to battle the Nephites in Alma 51, he first takes the southmost ‘east coast’ city of Moroni and “all of their fortifications”, and then goes on to “take Nephihah, Lehi, Morianton, Omner, Gid and Mulek, all of which were east on the borders of the seashore” (Alma 51:26), suggesting that those cities were arranged in that order from south to north along the east sea.  They then “march forth… that they might take possession of the land Bountiful and also the land northward” (Alma 51:30).

As we’ll discuss later in this article, this configuration in the heartland model is virtually impossible unless you tuck the entirely of the lands of Nephi and Zarahemla in some little corner between the Great Lakes (such as the lower Peninsula of Michigan). However if you do this, you destroyed nearly every other correlative piece of evidence used by Heartlanders. From Zelph, to the D&C Zarahemla, to the Adena and Hopewell ruins. 

For the Mesoamerican Mayanland models a similar problem arises when matching the narrow neck with Tehuantepec. The problem lies in the Yucatan Peninsula ruining the logic and description of the ‘east sea cites’ of Moroni, Aaron, Nephihah, Jershon, Lehi, Morianton, Omner, Gid, and Mulek and their proximity to the land and city of Manti at the head of the river Sidon (Alma 50:34; Alma 52:9 — see the section entitled ‘MANTI IS IN PROXIMITY TO NEPHIHAH & MORONI IN THE TEXT’ for details)

This is why essentially NO popular internal model out there seems to look like the Yucatan. They almost universally agree with a ‘backwards L’ configuration of the Alma 42-54 war border cities. 

Separate authors internal models of the Book of Mormon. Left BYU Virtual Scriptures by Tyler Griffin, Middle Joel Hardy Map (1998), Right, Old LDS Institute manual map.

Internal models of The Book of Mormon show a high degree of agreement for a reason. Alma 22 draws a fairly clear picture of the basic layout of Book of Mormon lands.

27 And it came to pass that the king sent a proclamation throughout all the land, amongst all his people who were in all his land, who were in all the regions round about, which was bordering even to the sea, on the east and on the west, and which was divided from the land of Zarahemla by a narrow strip of wilderness, which ran from the sea east even to the sea west, and round about on the borders of the seashore, and the borders of the wilderness which was on the north by the land of Zarahemla, through the borders of Manti, by the head of the river Sidon, running from the east towards the west—and thus were the Lamanites and the Nephites divided.

28 Now, the more idle part of the Lamanites lived in the wilderness, and dwelt in tents; and they were spread through the wilderness on the west, in the land of Nephi; yea, and also on the west of the land of Zarahemla, in the borders by the seashore, and on the west in the land of Nephi, in the place of their fathers’ first inheritance, and thus bordering along by the seashore.

29 And also there were many Lamanites on the east by the seashore, whither the Nephites had driven them. And thus the Nephites were nearly surrounded by the Lamanites; nevertheless the Nephites had taken possession of all the northern parts of the land bordering on the wilderness, at the head of the river Sidon, from the east to the west, round about on the wilderness side; on the north, even until they came to the land which they called Bountiful.

30 And it bordered upon the land which they called Desolation, it being so far northward that it came into the land which had been peopled and been destroyed, of whose bones we have spoken, which was discovered by the people of Zarahemla, it being the place of their first landing.

31 And they came from there up into the south wilderness. Thus the land on the northward was called Desolation, and the land on the southward was called Bountiful, it being the wilderness which is filled with all manner of wild animals of every kind, a part of which had come from the land northward for food.

32 And now, it was only the distance of a day and a half’s journey for a Nephite, on the line Bountiful and the land Desolation, from the east to the west sea; and thus the land of Nephi and the land of Zarahemla were nearly surrounded by water, there being a small neck of land between the land northward and the land southward.

33 And it came to pass that the Nephites had inhabited the land Bountiful, even from the east unto the west sea, and thus the Nephites in their wisdom, with their guards and their armies, had hemmed in the Lamanites on the south, that thereby they should have no more possession on the north, that they might not overrun the land northward.

To explore the details of the above configuration with an accompanying internal model map, see the Internal Model of the Book of Mormon page.

 Critique of the Griffin Virtualscriptures.org Model

Tyler Griffins’ conceptual internal model of the Book of Mormon may be the best model yet made. Like my carefully construed internal model, his model builds off the scholarship which was developed by the old LDS institute manual geography. I think his model is as close to the text as any other I’ve seen, giving me only 2 or 3 important critiques of the model.

– ALMA 8:13 SHOWS AMMONIHAH SHOULD LIKELY BE IN PROXIMITY TO AARON . The city of Aaron is definitively placed in proximity to the cities of Moroni & Nephihah in Alma 50:14–15. In fact the language of those verses combined with the fact that the Lamanites first take both Moroni & Nephihah suggest those three cities should probably be in a line along the south, although such details are not entirely required by the text. However, Alma 8:13 strongly suggests a proximity of Ammonihah and Aaron, since this seems to be Alma’s next city of choice after leaving Ammonihah.

13 Now when the people had said this, and withstood all his words, and reviled him, and spit upon him, and caused that he should be cast out of their city, he departed thence and took his journey towards the city which was called Aaron. (Alma 8:13)

This obvious inference caused the Topical Guide to suggest that there might be TWO Aarons. Because on one hand we know Ammonihah is WEST of Sidon and three days NORTH of Melek, and yet it also seems to share proximity to Ammonihah. The text also infers a proximity of Ammonihah to Jershon (Alma 35:1–8) and the Land of Antionum. Note also the Lamanite retreat of Alma 16 from Ammonihah has an army crossing the head of Sidon while taking the captives home to the Land of Nephi. Putting Ammonihah and Noah in the north would put the army retreating directly through the west end of the Land of Zarahemla, in order to put them at the head of Sidon, which makes absolutely no sense given the context of the story. In fact, Alma 49:3,15 says that Ammonihah was twice a target of Lamanite aggression because it was an “easy prey” or convenient point of attack. So would a city north of Zarahemla really be considered an “easy target? Doesn’t a placement much closer to the Nephite/Lamanite south border make far more sense? In Alma 49 it is the SECOND time an army heads toward Manti from that area. So once again it is completely illogical to not place these two areas adjacent or somewhat close to one another along a southern border as well as suggested by Alma 31:3 & Alma 50:7.

Putting these verses together it seems logical that the Narrow Strip of wilderness and Moroni’s new border of Alma 50 likely slant a little to the southwest to give room for Melek to be three days south of Ammonihah, but yet have Ammonihah still west of Sidon and in a western location that is “easy prey” on the outskirts (likely southwest) of Zarahemla. This makes sense anyway, since far from putting the fearless mothers of Helaman’s stripling warriors way out in the northmost outskirts of Zarahemla “for their protection” it makes more sense that they relocated close to where their children were stationed on the southwest border to be able to quickly supply them with food and provisions with far more love for their sons than fear of death. This also makes more sense with the 2.5 day flight of Helaman’s army in Alma 56:36–43 where even after running over two days (40+ miles?) the army doesn’t make it from Antiparah to Ammonihah, Noah or Zarahemla!

– THERE IS LITTLE REASON TO PUT TEANCUM ON THE EAST SEA . The ONLY sea mentioned in the 59 year Nephite retreat from Zarahemla to Cumorah is the WEST sea near the land of desolation, and the text seems to suggest that Desolation & Teancum are very close to each other. Even though one might assume that a city named after Teancum would be very near the city of Bountiful on the East Coast since that is where Teancum died, however strangely Bountiful is NEVER mentioned in the final retreat! If they crossed all the way to the opposite coast, doesn’t it seem strange that they wouldn’t go to Bountiful since it was NORTH of where Teancum died? Also both Mormon & Moroni are named after people and places in the land southward, suggesting a tradition of naming things in the Land Desolation after people and places in the land southward.

– ALMA 52:9 IS A BIT PROBLEMATIC. Alma 52:9, says Moroni “also sent orders unto [Teancum] that he should fortify the land Bountiful, and secure the narrow pass which led into the land northward, lest the Lamanites should obtain that point and should have power to harass them on every side.” By putting Bountiful and the “narrow pass” (which may or may not be ON the narrow neck” so far northward, this logic of having to secure the narrow pass in order to prevent the Lamanites from flanking the land of Zarahemla, since by way they have drawn it, the Lamanites would have already had power to harass them on every side. The only way this verse makes sense is if Bountiful and the narrow pass isn’t very far north of Zarahemla and is bound by a mountain by the sea or an isthmus by the sea that somehow bypassing gives easy entrance into the Land of Zarahemla.

Critique of the Book of Mormon Heartland Model

Book of Mormon Heartland Map

The Book of Mormon heartland model is a model revamped and popularized by Rod Meldrum and associates which places the entirety of Book of Mormon narrative in the Eastern United States of America. It seems to have arisen in response to the issues in the “limited Mesoamerican model”. These includes issues such as the ‘two Cumorah’ theory, early prophetic and apostolic quotes about Book of Mormon culture & individuals in North America, as well as the way Mesoamerican models appear to discount the many impressive North American prehistoric cultures which seem to fit well into the Book of Mormon narrative. (Issues which are detailed later in this article)

Strengths

– The greatest strength of the heartland model for most it’s believers is it’s NOT having a second land Cumorah.  (See ‘Issues’ with the southern Mesoamerican model) Although it seems reasonable to suppose that the Book of Mormon’s final battle and ‘Hill Cumorah’, might not be the exact hill Joseph got the plates from, it is counter to Joseph Smith’s beliefs, and fairly problematic to suppose it is not at least relatively close to it, and at least in the the same land Cumorah. (see Cumorah in Internal Model of the Book of Mormon)

– References which obviously prophesy about the United States on ‘this land’ (ie. the land the ancient prophets lived on) simply work better for heartland. Although Mexico/Guatemala also work to some extent its simply not as good of a match for the description of a ‘land of liberty’ and U.S. revolutionary ‘freedom’ culture that seem to shine through so strongly in the text.

– Early LDS prophetic statements (as well as the account of ‘Zelph’) really work only if Nephites/Lamanites lived in North America too. (trying to make Zelph a post Nephite traveler & Joseph’s “hills of the Nephites” into post Book of Mormon migrants requires a certain level of stretching the available documentary evidence.)

– Basically see the “Issues” section for the Mesoamerican models, and you’ll see the “strengths” of the Heartland models.  The heartland model’s strengths are not so much in geography as in context, ideology, and prophesy associated with the Book of Mormon and early LDS leaders.

Issues

– IT LIMITS THE BOOK OF MORMON BY IGNORING THE CONTINENTS MOST IMPRESSIVE RUINS & ANCIENT CULTURES. Just like the Limited Mesoamerican model’s betrayal of Cumorah, Heartland models betray the general sense of a continental model given in the Book of Mormon text, which clearly gives the impression that Book of Mormon narrative encompasses the whole continent from sea to sea.  North to south (Canada to ancient Mesoamerican cultures) and especially east to west (as we’ll read in the following textual issues). 

there was much contention and many dissensions; in the which there were an exceedingly great many who departed out of the land of Zarahemla, and went forth unto the land northward to inherit the land. 8 And it came to pass that they did multiply and spread, and did go forth from the land southward to the land northward, and did spread insomuch that they began to cover the face of the whole earth, from the sea south to the sea north, from the sea west to the sea east. (Hel 3:8)

– THE LAND OF NEHPI, NARROW STRIP OF WILDERNESS & LAND OF BOUNTIFUL (& DESOLATION) SHOULD STRETCH FROM SEA EAST TO SEA WEST. The text clearly states that at least the land of Nephi, narrow strip of wilderness and land of Bountiful stretch fully from “sea east even to the sea west”, and strongly infer by movements of armies in the battle chapters of Alma 50-59 that the southern frontier of the Land of Zarahemla stretches from the east sea to west sea as well (further explained in a later point).

27 …the king sent a proclamation throughout all the land, amongst all his people who were in all his land [Land of Nephi]… which was bordering even to the sea, on the east and on the west, and which was divided from the land of Zarahemla by a narrow strip of wilderness, which ran from the sea east even to the sea west (Alma 22:27)

32 And now, it was only the distance of a day and a half’s journey for a Nephite, on the line Bountiful and the land Desolation, from the east to the west sea; and thus the land of Nephi and the land of Zarahemla were nearly surrounded by water… 33 And… the Nephites had inhabited the land Bountiful, even from the east unto the west sea… (see Alma 22:27–33)

It’s completely illogical to suggest the west sea of v. 32 (which heartlanders say is one or more of the Great Lakes, is different from the west sea of v. 32. given that ALL the lands are “nearly surrounded by water”. The heartland model’s Land of Nephi and narrow strip of wilderness and Land of Zarahamla are not “nearly surrounded by water” lacking the texts clear explanation of a sea to the west (see also Alma 53:8Alma 52:11–12Hel 3:8).  Those who try to explain these problems away by calling rivers, seas or part of the ‘surrounded by water’ are stretching the text beyond its limits.

– Alma 22:28 SUGGESTS THERE IS A SEA/SEASHORE WEST OF THE LAND OF ZARAHEMLA. The text is pretty clear that there is a seashore nearby, west of the land of Zarahemla. One that Moroni later kicks the Lamanites out of, when he creates the new border between the lands of Zarahemla and Nephi (Alma 53:8–22). And that the lands are “nearly surrounded by water”. So why would we use stretches of logic to suggest that the same west sea does not stretch from the land of Bountiful & Desolation down to the land of Nephi past the land of Zarahemla?

west of the land of Zarahemla, in the borders by the seashore… (Alma 22:28)

 – LAND OF FIRST INHERETANCE WAS ON A SEASHORE WEST OF THE LAND OF NEPHI (NOT SOUTH OR SOUTH-WEST). With the Eastern US heartland model, Nephi’s journey from eastern Arabia to America doesn’t really even make sense when the text says they land on a shore which they call first inheritance that was “west in the Land of Nephi” (not south in the Land of Nephi).   

“the Lamanites lived in the wilderness… west of the land of Zarahemla, in the borders by the seashore, and on the west in the land of Nephi, in the place of their fathers’ first inheritance, and thus bordering along by the [west] seashore. ” (Alma 22:28–29)

So if Lake Erie is the West Sea, how would they land there?  Where can you possibly place the Nephite landing “on borders by the seashore… on the west… and along the seashore” and make it fit with the Eastern United States?  Do we now pretend the Gulf of Mexico is both the sea south of Hel 3:8 and the sea west? Both Alma 22:28 and Mosiah 9:1 talk about the Land of Nephi and the “land of their first inheritance, after they had crossed the sea”, as if they can be used interchangeably. (ie. the Land of First Inheritance is IN or very near the land of Nephi.  We know the land of Nephi is south of the narrow neck.  So once again, how can ANY model which puts the narrow neck on the Great Lakes, or the land of Nephi in the heart of the US, make the place they first landed work? (pretending they came up the Mississippi also does not work, as the text clearly states the land of first inheritance is by the “WEST SEASHORE”.   Here we run into the same problem that Heartlanders blast Mesoamerican models for, where we must use stretches of logic to make a sea south (the Gulf of Mexico) into a sea west. Note also that had Moroni meant “southwest” he likely would have said so as in Alma 53:8, which specifies that the string of cities of Alma 51-53 began on the “west sea, south [border of the land of Nephite possessions]”. 

– SUPPOSING AN ANCIENT SEA UP THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER PLAIN DOES NOT WORK. Theorizing that the Gulf of Mexico used to come up the Mississippi river plain, forming an intercontinental “east sea” tongue does not work for two reasons. First there are archaeological sites like Watson Break Mounds right near the current Mississippi river at its delta that date to BEFORE the time of Christ and could not exist had it been under water. And this is true globally. Sites in Ur in Iraq or Averis in Egypt help us to understand sea level before the time of Christ, and although a bit higher, it wasn’t hugely different (see Mörner, 2015). Second, even if we did somehow suppose, contrary to the dated sites which would have been underwater, that the area of the Mississippi River was locally depressed before the time of Christ, you can see in this image to the right the approximate shoreline it would create. It simply wouldn’t come up far enough or in the right way to form a shore “east of the Land of Nephi AND the Land of Zarahemla”. (not to mention that geologically we can see the shorelines in geologic maps… (finish)

 – THE MISSISSIPPI CANT BE THE HEAD OF SIDON AND THE WEST SEA.  Some Heartland proponents, try and solve the ‘Head of Sidon’ issue by suggesting it is the ‘confluence’ of the Mississippi and Ohio rivers. Then those same proponents try and solve the ‘west sea’ issue by suggesting the Mississippi is ALSO the west sea in addition to the head of the River Sidon. The problem with this, in addition to the obvious unlikelihood of B.O.M. authors inconsistently calling the Atlantic the ‘east sea’ but the Mississippi the ‘west sea’, as well as the unlikelihood of calling a rivers confluence it’s ‘head’ and the unlikelihood that the confluence of the Ohio & Mississippi is the area where the armies of Alma 43:40 ‘cross the waters’– you can not have it both ways. Either it is a river or a sea, it can’t be both!

 THE MISSISSIPPI CANT BE WEST SEA.  Suggesting that for some strange reason the lower Mississippi IS the west sea (as has been proposed) also DOES NOT WORK, because the Book of Mormon doesn’t just mention the west sea, but a west seashore! See Alma 22:28. It’s one thing to draw on a sketchy example of the Nile river being referred to as a sea, and suggest the lower Mississippi is the ‘west sea’ (while the Atlantic is the east sea? huh?). But quite another to say they are calling the bank of the river, a ‘seashore’.

– AN ATLANTIC CROSSING MAKES NO SENSE AT ALL. The idea that the Lehites went south to the Red Sea and Yemen, only to circumnavigate Africa and come across the Atlantic is one the most bonkers ideas of the Heartland theory. The text clearly puts the Lehite Landing ON THE WEST COAST, west of the Land of Nephi. (Alma 22:28–29) But what’s more is simply the logic that God sent them on a wild goose chase around Africa (14,000 miles) instead of just going straight through the Mediterranean to the new world (7,400 miles). If the text said they landing on the south or east sea, this argument would be a possibility (although still strange given their launch location). But leaving from Yemen it makes FAR more sense that they traveled the 16,000 miles across the pacific! I honestly don’t think many people understand that the pacific journey is only 2-3,000 miles farther than going around Africa, and has the benefit of staying in warm seas & climates and stopping by the other branches of Israel in Polynesia and South America on the way.

 – LOTS OF OTHER WEST SEA PROBLEMS. Many references to the West Sea run into this same problem. (See Alma 50:11Alma 52:12Alma 53:8Alma 22) Read through them here.

 – STORY OF HAGOTH MAKES LITTLE SENSE IN THE GREAT LAKES. Look carefully at the wording in the reference to Hagoth who took people to the Land Northward and note some of the issues with the Heartland Models idea that the “west sea” is one of the Great Lakes and the “land northward” is Canada.

5 And it came to pass that Hagoth… went forth and built him an exceedingly large ship, on the borders of the land Bountiful, by the land Desolation, and launched it forth into the west sea, by the narrow neck which led into the land northward. 6 And behold, there were many of the Nephites who did enter therein and did sail forth with much provisions, and also many women and children; and they took their course northward…  (Alma 63:5–9)

Since he builds the ship “on the borders of the land Bountiful, by the land Desolation”, that rules out the western lakes of Lake Superior & Michigan and leaves us only with Lake Huron as our ‘West Sea’ where Hagoth traveled.  But think of the logic?!  Verse 4 says THOUSANDS of people are heading to the land northward, so Hagoth exploits this mass exodus by helping bring provisions and hundreds more. But they travel 480 miles by foot, just to get on a boat that takes them ONLY 180 miles or so to the cold Canadian landscape?  It makes SO MUCH more sense to suggest 

The story of Hagoth makes little sense if the West Sea is the Great Lakes (and a completely different sea than the one mentioned concerning their first landing?). Hagoth is said to have “launched… forth into the west sea, by the narrow neck which led into the land northward” (Alma 63:5).  But how do the ‘Great Lakes’ even really get you access to the Heartland Model’s “land northward” When we know that the Land Northward is where Cumorah and the final Battle take place? Really, any of the lakes would only get you access the the Narrow Neck region’s of Bountiful and perhaps desolation (places in contact with Zarahemla), but the text suggest a LARGE distance saying that the people who left, “were never heard of more” (Alma 63:8). Reading the whole account in Alma 63:5–9, makes it clear that this model stretches the Book of Mormon text past it’s logical limits. Also, a Polynesian connection to Hagoth (as proposed by many LDS apostles) is impossible in the Heartland model.

 – LAND NORTHWARD MAKES NO SENSE IN CANADA. The land of Desolation which is an “exceedingly great distance” north from the Land of Zarahemla and Narrow Neck (Hel 3:8), also make very, very little sense if you try and place it in Canada. The text states that the land was the heartland of the Jaredite Civilization, covered in bones, and was “rendered desolate and without timber, because of the many inhabitants who had before inherited the land”  (Hel 3:3–8).  How can you get Eastern Canada to fit that description?  It is almost NOWHERE devoid of timber (until you get to the uninhabitable tundra). It has essentially NO evidence of a complex ancient civilization and certainly not one that was “exceedingly expert in the working of cement” (Hel 3:7). It is SO WET that bones disintegrate within a few years, and would be unlikely to be preserved the amount of time required by the text (from the Jaredite destruction to the Nephite exploration of the area).

– LAND DESOLATION IN GREAT LAKES CANADA MAKES DOEST WORK. The land of Desolation which is an “exceedingly great distance” north from the Land of Zarahemla and Narrow Neck (Hel 3:3–4) is also, “the place of [the Mulekites] first landing” (see Alma 22:30), as well as the most likely place of Jaredite first landing or heartland “where the king dwelt” (see Ether 7:6). How can the heartland’s land of Desolation near the Michigan Peninsula fit this criteria? Niagara falls makes passage into the great lakes impassible, so the Mulekite landing would have to be Lake Ontario but that doesn’t work for the Jaredites; and certainly isn’t “northward” or an “exceeding great distance” from Zarahemla (Hel 3:3–4). In fact its only “northward” of Cumorah which goes completely contrary to the general layout of Alma 22 which seems to label the lands Nephi, Zarahemla, Bountiful, Desolation from south to north.

 – CUMORAH IS NOT REALLY IN THE HEARTLAND MODEL’S LAND NORTHWARD. Cumorah is SOUTH (in the land southward) of the narrow neck in the Heartland Model. The logically problematic, two Cumorah theory of Sorenson’s model is one of the reason’s the Heartland Model deservedly gains supporters.  But yet the Heartland model introduces a greater problem by putting the Hill Cumorah in the Land Southward. (since their ‘Narrow Necks’ are the isthmus areas created by the Great Lakes). Mormon 2:20,29 makes it clear that the final Nephite retreat was “northward” from the Narrow Neck, and for at least 3 of the battle cities “in the borders west by the seashore” (Mormon 2:6–8Mormon 3:8 & Mormon 4:3).  There is ABSOLUTELY no indication that the Nephites fled north of the Narrow neck into the Land Northward (where a treaty was made giving them the land Northward, Mormon 2:17), only to then circle around a Great Lake and then back south through a different narrow neck, back into the Land Southward to upstate New York (Cumorah).  This logic requires wild assumptions of directionality entirely opposite of those mentioned in the text.

 – MISSISSIPPI RIVER IS POOR MATCH FOR RIVER SIDON. The head of Sidon is south of Zarahemla, near the land of Manti (Alma 22:27,29Alma 43:22) which most heart landers equate with Huntsville Missouri, because of a Joseph Smith quote. This requires heartlanders to make the “head” of the river, either it’s mouth or delta — a definition completely contrary to the 1828 dictionary (see last definition: Head– “To originate; to spring; to have its source, as a river”). Or to use twist the meaning of the word head even farther equating it with a ‘confluence’ (of the Ohio & Mississippi arms). But even this simply doesn’t work with the geography laid out in Alma 56:25 where the “head of Sidon” is mention as being a reasonably distanced march from Nephihah, which Alma 51:26 places on the East Sea.

 – RIVER CROSSINGS ARE PROBLEMATIC. The bones of those thrown into the River Sidon are said to be carried to the “sea,” (Alma 3:3) which primarily refers to the Great Lakes in the Heartland Model.  The Mississippi flows into the Gulf of Mexico, far away from these “seas.” Even calling the Lakes and Ocean both ‘seas’, the same verses say the armies crossed the river Sidon before battling on its banks and then throwing bodies into it.  This suggests a river small enough to easily cross without canoes (Alma 2:34–35). But large and seasonally flooding enough to throw bodies into and know they will end up in the sea. 

– DNA EVIDENCE IS PROBLEMATIC. Many Heartlanders use the existence of haplogroup X in northeast native populations to suggest their model is genetically a better match than Mesoamerica. Haplogroup X genetic populations are found in the Ojibwe (25%), Sioux (15%), Nuu-Chah-Nulth (12%), Georgia (8%), Orkney (7%), and amongst the Druze Assyrian community in Israel (27%). However, the problem with assuming that this halplogroup came to the America’s with Lehites instead of early groups in its existence in the genetics of older Paleo-Indian individuals such as Kennewick Man (dated to 8,400 BC Mitochondrial haplogroup X2a) and Anzick-1 (dated to 11,000 BC with same x2 subclade).

 – The Heartland Model has the land Bountiful southeast of Zarahemla; the Book of Mormon has it northward. 

 – The Heartland Model elsewhere claims that Bountiful is directly north of the land of Nephi; in the Book of Mormon, Zarahemla is directly north of the land of Nephi.

 – The Book of Mormon has the sea west to the west of the Zarahemla and the land of Bountiful, but the Heartland Model has it east of Zarahemla and north of Bountiful.

 –  Heartland Model uses a city founded by Mormons near Nauvoo (named “Zarahemla) to locate the Nephite city of Zarahemla.  The model ignores that it was settlers who started calling it Zarahemla first, not scripture or Joseph Smith.  The lines about Zarahemla were added laterfor historical clarity, by an editor when the revelation was published.

 –  Likewise, a city called “Manti” was ascribed to the prophet by later editors, but it was not in the original text.

 –  Heartland Model relies on Hopewell cultural dates matching B.O.M. dates, but the locations of Zarahemla, Nephi, and Manti used in most models dont match any major Hopewell sites (are evidence of prehistoric settlement at all)!

 –  The Heartland Model poorly matches evidence and research on population sizes and growth.

Adapted from the more comprehensive list found at bmaf.  (first adapted from a list compiled by Gregory Smith)…

Critique of the Limited Mesoamerican or Mayanland Models

Book of Mormon Geography – Limited Mesoamerican Models

The majority of Mesoamerican Book of Mormon geography models seek to correlate the Isthmus of Tehuantepec or the Isthmus of Guatemala with the Book of Mormon “Narrow Neck”. In my analysis, I only cover the former, as the latter do not seem very plausible (although many of the issues below cover those models as well). Mesoamerican models in general far exceed the heartland models in their ability to synthesize the text with known archaeology. However, all of these models suffer many of the same substantial problems which gave rise to the Heartland models (ie. excluding 95% of the continent and its ancient cultures from the B.O.M. narrative as well as many prophetic statements and common-sense readings of the text). Despite the many issues listed below, I find the Usumacinta/Tonina/Kaminaljuyu the most convincing of the Mesoamerican models, and a true candidate for a valid possibility to the text; although still inferior to the continental model. Grijalva models come in third behind Usumacinta & Highland model, but only when 2 Cumorah ideas are discarded, and Sorenson’s ‘east cities’ stretch from Belize to Tehuantepec instead of all being all Tehuantepec.

Strengths

– The cultural correlations of the limited Mesoamerican models are fantastic. You could make 100 “strength bullet points” from these alone. Probably a few of the most unique are things like how Maya and their culture and climate fit well with many Book of Mormon statements. Although forcing BOTH the Nephites and Lamanites (including Mulekites and all other ‘ites’) into the Mayan culture seems more monolithic than we should suppose.  If the Mulekites culturally evolved for hundreds of years completely separate in language & religion from the Nephites, it would almost certainly show up as a distinctly different culture.

– Kaminaljuyu (Guatemala City) as Nephi works pretty well both temporally and geographically.

– Tonina and Palenque are at least fair geographic matches for Zarahemla. Their relationship west of the Usumacinta River (Sidon) fits well with the text. Also their dates of establishment could possibly work with the text (200 BC). (However, their rise and fall does not fit well, as their populations seem abysmally small before the time of Christ, and only reach significance long after the time of Christ. — As opposed to Grijalva models which have abysmally small populations both before but especially after the time of Christ).

– The isthmus of Guatemala and Motagua Valley/Ridge work fairly well as the ‘narrow strip of wilderness’ separating the lands of Nephi and Zarahemla. It’s an obvious geographic barrier, with the ‘head of Sidon’ (headwaters of the Usumacinta River) right there in the narrow wilderness strip where the text demands (except that the north/south directionality is completely wrong).

Issues
Like the Heartland model, Limited Mesoamerican Models must ignore the overwhelming consensus of Joseph Smith and other early prophetic views that supported a Continental model. A view strongly suggested by the Book of Mormon text itself (see Hel 3:8). Especially statements concerning Zelph and New England Nephite occupation. Also scriptural assertions that at least the land, if not hill, ‘Cumorah’ is in New England where the angel Moroni appeared to Joseph Smith in vision. Also the many, many instances in the Book of Mormon which essentially prophesy of a future nation of freedom (despite attempts to explain this away, it really is unmistakably includes the U.S.) being built upon the same lands as Mormon seemed to live on. Instead, they force the Book of Mormon into a small corner of Central America which directions that absolutely contradict the text (see Alma 22). They correlate all Book of Mormon lands and peoples with merely two Mesoamerican people’s (Maya & Olmec), while almost entirely ignoring the largest and most influential cultures on the continent (Adena, Hopewell, Anasazi/Ancient Puebloan, Mexican Highland/Teotihuacan, Zapotec, Mixtec, Huestec, Parapucha, etc).

– TWO CUMORAHS ARE CONTRADICTED BY 1 NEPHI 22/3 NEPHI 21 PROPHESIES – Putting the entirety of the Book of Mormon into a pocket of Mesoamerica without the Nephite ‘Land Northward’ being in the present United States, makes the statements and prophesies of Nephi illogical. According to Nephi, the “mighty nation” which is lifted up by God “above all other nations” (see 1 Nephi 13:30) was to be founded on “this land” and scatter “our seed”, and most importantly, be “set up as a free people” by God (3 Nephi 21:4). Mexico didn’t get its freedom from Spain until 1821, and by then it was among the weakest nations in the developed world. So suggesting this mighty nation of free people was Spain or Mexico just doesn’t make a lot of sense. The only rational interpretation of this and other similar scriptures is that Book of Mormon prophets considered the territory to be occupied by the future United States their land, and knew their seed would inhabit it. This is why the plates were hid in New York, not Mexico… because the destiny of the United States of America was founded on the promises made to Book of Mormon people who inhabited parts of the same land.

7 And it meaneth that the time cometh that after all the house of Israel have been scattered and confounded, that the Lord God will raise up a mighty nation among the Gentiles, yea, even upon the face OF THIS LAND; and by them shall our seed be scattered. (1 Nephi 22:7)

For it is wisdom in the Father that [the gentiles] should be established IN THIS LAND, and be set up as a free people by the power of the Father, that these things might come forth from them unto a remnant of your seed, (3 Nephi 21:4)

Two Cumorah proponents need to make up their minds. The question comes down to, is the modern US part of the ancient Nephites lands or not? (ie. part of what Mormon & Jesus would refer as “this land”) If no, the above scriptures make little sense. If yes–and its part of the Nephite “Land Northward” (see Alma 22:30–33; 46:22; 50:11, 29–34; 63:4–10; Helaman 3:3, 8–11), then it makes FAR more sense that Cumorah is in New York, since Mormon 2:29 calls the region the Nephite flee to “the land northward” AND its its in a land of many lakes streams and waters, AND its south of ‘great waters’ that ‘exceed all’. You CANNOT suggest Hel 3’s “whole earth” DOESN’T include North America, and yet suggest 1 Nephi 22:7 & 3 Nephi 21:4’s “this land” does! You must make up your mind!

And it came to pass that they did multiply and spread, and did go forth from the land southward to the land northward, and did spread insomuch that they began to cover the face of the whole earth, from the sea south to the sea north, from the sea west to the sea east. And the people who were in the land northward did dwell in tents, and in houses of cement… (Hel 3:8–9)

– TWO CUMORAHS ARE CONTRADICTED BY THE D&C AND JOSEPH SMITH – Just as Joseph Smith consistently pushed a continental model, he also consistently pushed the idea that the Hill Cumorah in New York where he claimed to find the plates was the same Cumorah mentioned in the Book of Mormon . D&C 128:20 seems to clearly insinuate that the Angel Moroni’s visit to Joseph Smith was at least in the land Cumorah. So even if one were to speculate that the hill Cumorah which Mormon hid ALL the Nephite records in his possession (Mormon 6:6 — probably in an old mine of some sort), “by” where the battle took place (Mormon 6:2), suggesting Cumorah is actually in Mexico is to make D&C 128:20 a false statement.

“20 And again, what do we hear? Glad tidings from Cumorah! Moroni, an angel from heaven, declaring the fulfilment of the prophets—the book to be revealed. A voice of the Lord in the wilderness of Fayette, Seneca county, declaring the three witnesses to bear record of the book! The voice of Michael on the banks of the Susquehanna…” (D&C 128:20)

– TWO CUMORAHS ARE CONTRADICTED BY MORONI 1:1. Although the text never calls the hill where Moroni buries his abridged plates ‘Cumorah’ think of the logic of two Cumorah’s in regard to Moroni 1:1 where he says,

“Now I, Moroni, after having made an end of abridging the account of the people of Jared, I had supposed not to have written more, but I have not as yet perished…” (Moroni 1:1)

…for I am alone. My father hath been slain in battle, and all my kinsfolk, and I have not friends nor whither to go; and how long the Lord will suffer that I may live I know not. (Mormon 8:5)

This suggests Moroni was unsure when he was going to be killed by Lamanites!  This is incredibly important, as we can assume from this that he almost certainly would have hidden the plates before the final battle, at the same time his father & other leaders hid ALL the records (Mormon 6:6), so as to not risk having the record falling into enemy hands before the last of the final battle! Mormon 6:12 says Moroni lead a legion of 10,000 in battle, so then even if Mormon 6:6 suggests that Mormon hid up “all the records… save it were [the] few plates which [he] gave unto [his] son”, we’ve got to imagine that Moroni dying with his 10,000 was a possibility so he must have put the abridged plates in their safe place where they could be found by the latter-day gentiles. (The abridged history being important that the Gentiles “have first” before God revealed the rest the records. 3 Ne 26:9)  Then… when he surprisingly doesn’t “perish”, he must have gone back to their hiding place, and ‘written more’ (Moroni 1:1).  So although idea that Moroni travelled long distances after the final battle is entirely plausible, The idea that he travelled long distances WITH the plates doesn’t make much sense. It would involve WAY TOO MUCH RISK of being killed on the journey and allowing the plates to fall into enemy hands (see Moroni 1:3–4Mormon 5:12). It would appear that he assured their safety by leaving them in their hiding place between the time(s) he went BACK to that hiding place and ‘wrote more’ (the Books of Ether &Mormon/ Moroni) before his final demise.

– TWO CUMORAHS ARE GENERALLY ILLOGICAL. Limited Mesoamerican Models require a “two Cumorah theory” making Moroni’s Cumorah different than Joseph Smith’s Cumorah (Mormon 6:2: vs D&C 128:20). With 2 Cumorah’s, Moroni sneaks about alone trying not to be discovered (Mormon 8:3–5, Moroni 1:1–3) with the heavy plates over 1,900 miles after the final battle which they suggest happened somewhere in southern Veracruz Mexico to get to New York to bury the plates. While suggesting that Cumorah and the final battle are ONLY around 100 miles from the ‘Narrow Neck’, which requires the readers to believe that Mormon for some confusing reason, took all the records from the Hill Shim in desolation (when the Lamanites looked to ‘overthrow the land’- Mormon 4:23), only to transport them to a new random hill only 100 miles away. One which had very little strategic or geographic advantage, where they still exist to this day–completely separate from the region in upstate New York where the Book of Mormon would be buried for Joseph Smith.  Think about this–-when the early LDS saints fled from Ohio and Nauvoo; 30,000-70,000 people fled over 1,500 miles to find safety and a new home. In fact they traveled over 2100 miles over 17 years building several cities between New York & Utah. So why would 300,000 Nephites, flee only 100-250 miles building no traceable cities over a 50+ year period? Especially when a flight up the Caribbean coast toward Texas would have been so easy?!

The text gives no indication they were being hedged in from the north by some other group, and SURELY would say if a force larger than their 250,000 were hemming them in! Besides, with their massive army ready to make a stand or die, they surely would have attempted to cut their way through the Huestec lands in search for a northern land to settle. In fact think of this in light of how the Nephites prevented the people of Moranton (Alma 50:31–35) AND the Amalickiahites (Alma 51:30) from fleeing into the NEPHITE land northward. In fact a last stand of such a huge group consisting of men, women and children really only makes sense if they were forced SO far north (ie. New York) that they reached the edge of the habitable continent and had nowhere left to flee because of Great Lakes (Ripliancum) and coming winter.  And since this is where the plates were found AND where prophetic visions put the last battle, WHY ON EARTH would anyone try and conceive a second Cumorah in Mexico only a few hundred miles from Zarahemla?!  This illogical proposal has effectively split the church and given birth to the even poorer heartland models. Those who believe and push this theory, do a great injustice to Book of Mormon geographic correlation.

The Lands of The Book of Mormon should be pretty obvious by their general description.

– LAND OF MANY WATERS OR LARGE BODIES OR ‘LARGE BODIES OF WATER AND MANY RIVERS IS OBVIOUSLY NORTHERN-MOST NORTH AMERICA (EASTERN US & CANADA).  It stretches one’s imagination to the limits to suggest that the following four verses in the Book of Mormon are referring somewhere like the Valley of Mexico or Vera Cruz.  The text says these locations are “an exceedingly great distance” from Zarahemla, and contained “many waters” and “many rivers” and “many large bodies of water”.  To cultures familiar with Lake Izabal and Lago de Ititlan in Guatemala or the Grijalva & Usumacinta river systems in Mexico to refer to the Lakes of the Mexican Highland such as Texcoco or Chapala in following manner is almost laughable when contrasted with the clearly obvious region around Joseph Smith’s ‘Cumorah’ of the Great Lakes or Rivers and springs of the Canadian shield or Upper Mississippi River systems.

3 And… there were an exceedingly great many who departed out of the land of Zarahemla, and went forth unto the land northward to inherit the land. 4 And they did travel to an exceedingly great distance, insomuch that they came to large bodies of water and many rivers. 5 Yea, and even they did spread forth into all parts of the land, (Hel 3:3–5)

29 Therefore, Morianton put it into their hearts that they should flee to the land which was northward, which was covered with large bodies of water, and take possession of the land which was northward. (Alma 50:29)

8 And they were lost in the wilderness for the space of many days, yet they were diligent, and found not the land of Zarahemla but returned to this land, having traveled in a land among many waters, having discovered a land which was… covered with ruins of buildings of every kind, having discovered a land which had been peopled with a people who were as numerous as the hosts of Israel. (Mosiah 8:8)

4 And it came to pass that we did march forth to the land of Cumorah, and we did pitch our tents around about the hill Cumorah; and it was in a land of many waters, rivers, and fountains (Mormon 6:4)

Below is a comparison of Guatamala’s Lago Izabel, in the Mayanland model’s Land of Nephi, compared to the Lakes of Coastal Veracruz and the Mexican Highland & Great Salt Lake and then the Great Lakes. As you can see, there’s not much

TIMBER BEING SCARSE IN THE LAND DESOLATION IS PROBLEMATIC. The land of Desolation is said to be desolate because of the Jaredites who were destroyed AND desolate “save it was for timber” or in other words it was desolate or devoid of timber so that the people who live in it had to “live in tents” and become expert in making “houses of cement”. Mayanland models must make the same case as Heartlanders in suggesting that regions which abound in wood and timber must have been “deforested” by the Jaredites in a manner that still left them without timber HUNDREDS of years later. This seems unlikely both in Heartlands Canada and Michigan Peninsula, as well as in Mayanlands south-central Mexico. More importantly, the use of cement in Oaxaca or the Mexican Highland was no more prevalent than its use in mayanlands making the following statement a bit problematic.

6 And now no part of the land was desolate, save it were for timber [in other words he’s using the definition of desolate meaning an area devoid of trees, not people]; but because of the greatness of the destruction of the people who had before inhabited the land it was called desolate. 7 And there being but little timber upon the face of the land, nevertheless the people who went forth became exceedingly expert in the working of cement; therefore they did build houses of cement, in the which they did dwell. 8 And it came to pass that they did multiply and spread, and did go forth from the land southward to the land northward, and did spread insomuch that they began to cover the face of the whole earth, from the sea south to the sea north, from the sea west to the sea east. 9 And the people who were in the land northward did dwell in tents, and in houses of cement, and they did suffer whatsoever tree should spring up upon the face of the land that it should grow up, that in time they might have timber to build their houses, yea, their cities, and their temples, and their synagogues, and their sanctuaries, and all manner of their buildings. 10 And it came to pass as timber was exceedingly scarce in the land northward, they did send forth much by the way of shipping. (Hel 3:6–11)

Both the Mayan and Mexican Highland cultures really PREDOMINATELY built their temples and city centers of stone. With few exceptions, their homes were primarily wood. Really only the Desert Southwest was desolate of timber to the point of mostly using teepees, wikiups or stone and cement (adobe) for ALL aspects of cultural building. And really only the US Plains Indians could be said to have culturally lived predominately in ‘tents’ or teepees.

– WEST COAST HAGOTH MAKES NO SENSE. The story of Hagoth traveling to “the land Northward” from the west sea, just doesn’t make much sense in these models. If the Land Northward is composed of areas like the Mexican Highland, Valley of Mexico or southern area of Veracruz, then why would Hagoth launch from the west sea to get there? Only the East Sea would get you closer to these areas. It makes no sense both from a launch point and destination route. If the Nephite ‘Land Northward is Veracruz, and if Sidon is the Usumacinta/Grijalva which go directly to the Caribbean, why not boat down Sidon to the port and head north along the East Coast?

Similarly, if Zarahemla is the Chiapas basin (Santa Rosa) why not leave from the harbors just west of there? Why go so far from the good lumber of the Chiapas mountains and go all the way up to Bountiful? A west coast of Bountiful launch ONLY MAKES SENSE if Zarahemla is on the Usamacinta, and the ‘Land Northward’ includes West Mexico, the known trade routes into the southwest U.S. Anasazi lands through the gulf of California, and perhaps the entire west coast of America.

And it came to pass… there was a large company of men, even to the amount of five thousand and four hundred men, with their wives and their children, departed out of the land of Zarahemla into the land which was northward. And it came to pass that Hagoth, he being an exceedingly curious man, therefore he went forth and built him an exceedingly large ship, on the borders of the land Bountiful, by the land Desolation, and launched it forth into the west sea, by the narrow neck which led into the land northward. And behold, there were many of the Nephites who did enter therein and did sail forth with much provisions, and also many women and children; and they took their course northward. And thus ended the thirty and seventh year. And in the thirty and eighth year, this man built other ships. And the first ship did also return, and many more people did enter into it; and they also took much provisions, and set out again to the land northward. And it came to pass that they were never heard of more. And we suppose that they were drowned in the depths of the sea. And it came to pass that one other ship also did sail forth; and whither she did go we know not. 9 And it came to pass that in this year there were many people who went forth into the land northward. (Alma 63:4–9)

– VERY FEW GOOD CITY MATCHES WITH SIGNIFICANT ARCHAEOLGICAL SITES. Although Mayan models do a good job at finding cultural correlations, none of them have done a very good job at really matching individuals Book of Mormon cities with notable archaeological ruins (with the exception of Kaminaljuyú). In my opinion, none of them can match Zarahemla with convincing archaeological ruins which match the level of prominence and significance afforded these cities in the text. Particularly in the case of Zarahemla and Sorenson’s Santa Rosa. Santa Rosa is pathetically small (< 20k), smaller than his match for Sidon (Chiapa de Corzo). I love what Michael Coe says here about BOM cities.. he hits it right on the head when he talks about how the Valley of Mexico really was the only Mesoamerican region with Old World-like populations and features like the Book of Mormon insinuates, in the Mesoamerican pre-classic.

– MANY OF THE SPECIES IN THE ANIMAL LISTS IN THE BOOK OF MORMON ARE OUT OF PLACE SOUTH OF TEOHUANTEPEC. See my article Animals in the Book of Mormon for examples of this. Specific differentiation between animals like asses (mule deer) and horses (elk, possible white tailed deer), and goats (pronghorn) verses wild goats (North American Mountain Goat), sheep (North American mountain sheep, which are on the Jaredite list and never ranged far into Mexico) as well as “cattle, of oxen, and cows” (bison, possibly tapir, musk ox) are incredibly problematic if you put the whole book of Mormon south of Tehuantepec (especially in the Jaredite list).

– MAYANLAND MODELS DO NOT HAVE ANY ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE OF NORTHERN LANDS BEING ‘EMPTIED’, ABANDONED OR DESTROYED. These models usually identify Veracruz or the Mexican Highland as “the land northward”… yet in Mormon’s description of the final flight to “Cumorah”, the land northward is said to be emptied of its inhabitants (Mormon 5:5).

4 And it came to pass that they came against us again, and we did maintain the city. And there were also other cities which were maintained by the Nephites, which strongholds did cut them off that they could not get into the country which lay before us, to destroy the inhabitants of our land. 5 But it came to pass that whatsoever lands we had passed by, and the inhabitants thereof were not gathered in, were destroyed by the Lamanites, and their towns, and villages, and cities were burned with fire; and thus three hundred and seventy and nine years passed away. 7 …and those whose flight was swifter than the Lamanites’ did escape, and those whose flight did not exceed the Lamanites’ were swept down and destroyed.

We see no such occurrence in the archaeology.  In fact that logic of the final battle MAKES NO SENSE given what we know of Teotihuacan. Why wouldn’t the Nephites make an alliance with them, if they were part of their northern ally cultures which they had been ‘guarding’ (ie. protecting the narrow neck – Alma 22:33) for nearly a thousand years? It also makes no sense in relation to the final Battle… why did Teotihuacan not get involved if the Nephites fled into their land in Veracruz to escape the Lamanite army?

–  HOW COULD THE ZAPOTEC & TEOTIHUACAN EMPIRES BE OMITTED FROM THE BOOK OF MORMON WHEN THEY WOULD HAVE BEEN SO INCREDIBLY RELEVENT TO THE REGION? Teotihuacan and the Mexican highland culture, the largest and most influential city and culture in prehistoric North America, is mysteriously scant or absent from the Book of Mormon in these models (as well as Zapotec culture). Even though the Teotihuacano zenith might have post-dated the date given for Nephite destruction, it was still a rapidly growing regional influence which by 420 AD eclipsing any of the cultures put forth for Zarahemla in predominate Mayan models.

SAYING THE ZAPOTECS & TEOTIHUACANOS ARE GADIANTONS MAKES THE IDEA OF GUARDING THE NARROW NECK ILLOGICAL. The guarding of the “narrow neck” in preservation of “the land northward” doesn’t make much sense in these models for reasons mentioned above. For instance, what culture are they guarding? Teotihuacan? The Zapotecs? That’s like Guatemala guarding the United States! Even at 100 BC, the Zapotec, and cities of the Mexican Highland (Cuicuilco, Cholula, Teotihuacan area) was FAR more populous and powerful than anything along the Grijalva or Usumacinta. Those empires would have been guarding/dominating the Nephite lands, not the other way around. Teotihuacan was the most powerful hegemon on the continent by 300 AD, so if they are the Nephites in the land Northward, why didn’t they aid the Nephites in the Final Battle, and why does the text describe a scene where the Nephites after retreating from Zarahemla and desolation “did cut [the Lamanites] off that they could not get into the country which lay before us, to destroy the inhabitants of our land” (Mormon 5:4). If Teotihuacan is the land northward, THE TEOTIHUACANOS would have sent an army and squashed the Lamanite forces. From all we can tell from the archaeology, Teotihuacan was the regional hegemon. (Remember that Mormon was from Jordan near the Narrow Neck, and there is simply nothing in the text to forward the idea that Monte Alban, Teotihuacan or any highland cultures helped in the war–had they helped in the war the tens of thousands of Nephite woman and children SURELY would have been sent there before the final battle instead of fighting to the death with no hope like cornered animals as the text suggests).

THE ZAPOTECS & TEOTIHUACANOS AS GADIANTONS DOES NOT FIT THE TEXT OR THE ARCHAEOLOGY. Note the Book of Mormon clearly paints the Gadianton robbers or ‘band’ as mountain dwelling guerilla band as well as a mafia like secrete society which dwells WITHIN the Nephite and Lamanite societies. The text does not suggest they are a full fledged independent nation or empire like the Lamanite or Nephite nation, and their one attempt to create a city or polity is explicitly destroyed by God at the death of Christ (3 Ne 9:9). To suggest Jacobugath and the Gadiantons go on to become two of the largest and most influential empire nations on the continent does not honor the picture painted in the Book of Mormon. Teotihuacan is founded by at least 100 BC, beginning its monumental architecture by 50 BC, and reaching its Zenith by 350 AD. Read these descriptions carefully and then lets compare this with the Zapotec & Teotihuacan empires and cultures.

23 And it came to pass in the forty and ninth year of the reign of the judges, there was continual peace established in the land, all save it were the secret combinations which Gadianton the robber had established in the more settled parts of the land, which at that time were not known unto those who were at the head of government; therefore they were not destroyed out of the land. (Hel 3:23)

18 And now behold, those murderers and plunderers were a band who had been formed by Kishkumen and Gadianton. And now it had come to pass that there were many, even among the Nephites, of Gadianton’s band. But behold, they were more numerous among the more wicked part of the Lamanites. And they were called Gadianton’s robbers and murderers. (Hel 6:18)

1 …the Gadianton robbers, who dwelt upon the mountains, who did infest the land; for so strong were their holds and their secret places that the people could not overpower them; therefore they did commit many murders, and did do much slaughter among the people.” (3 Ne 1:27), 17 …and…the war between the robbers and the people of Nephi did continue and did become exceedingly sore; nevertheless, the people of Nephi did gain some advantage of the robbers, insomuch that they did drive them back out of their lands into the mountains and into their secret places. (3 Ne 2:17)

18 And these Gadianton robbers, who were among the Lamanites, did infest the land, insomuch that the inhabitants thereof began to hide up their treasures in the earth; and they became slippery, (Mormon 1:18)

There is only one indication in the Book of Mormon that the Gadianton Robbers start their own culture or city (3 Ne 7:9–12). But this city is not created until ~30 AD, and then is burned or destroyed at the death of Christ (3 Ne 9:9). There is certainly no indication that they pioneer or take over multiple empires which are among THE MOST POWERFUL EMPIRES ON THE CONENTENT both before and after the time of Christ. Note the Zapotecs of San Jose Migote, Monte Alban and the Valley of Oaxaca are founded around 1200-600 BC, and by 300 BC already likely are the largest militaristic society in the Americas at the time (see here). Indeed, orders of magnitude larger and more powerful than emerging Mayan societies like Kaminaljuyu (City of Nephi in his model) or Chiapa de Corzo/Santa Rosa (land of Zerahemla in his model) during formative times. Likewise the central cities of the Teotihuacan empire grown out of formative cities like Cuicuilco, Ticomán, El Terremote, Coapexco, El Arbolillo and Chalcatzingo; all of which were established around 1000 BC with close ties to Olmec cultures and which mostly continued into classic times and had grown into an empire for larger than anything existing in the Mayanlands by 300 AD.

The only indication The Book of Mormon gives that there could be an alliance between the Lamanites of the final battles and some other group is Mormon 1 & 2 where the Gadianton robbers who are said to be “among the Lamanites” (Mormon 1:18), seem to be involved in both the fighting and a ten year treaty. But read the verse concerning this carefully and note how crazy it would be for Mormon to omit the fact that the Gadiantons (Teotihuacahn & Zapotec Empires) actually owned essentially ALL the land north of the final battle and were hemming in their position (as most 2 Cumorah proponents propose concerning the final battle).

18 And these Gadianton robbers, who were among the Lamanites, did infest the land… (Mormon 1:18)

27 …But behold, we did go forth against the Lamanites and the robbers of Gadianton, until we had again taken possession of the lands of our inheritance. 28 And the three hundred and forty and ninth year had passed away. And in the three hundred and fiftieth year we made a treaty with the Lamanites and the robbers of Gadianton, in which we did get the lands of our inheritance divided. 29 And the Lamanites did give unto us the land northward, yea, even to the narrow passage which led into the land southward. And we did give unto the Lamanites all the land southward. (Mormon 2:27–29)

What those proposing that the Zapotecs and Teotihuacanos are ‘Gadianton Robbers’ are suggesting is that this verse should read, “the Lamanites did give unto us the [tiny portion of the land northward along the east sea], yea, even to the narrow passage which led into the land southward. And we did give unto the Lamanites all the land southward [and we did remain hemmed in, leaving the Gadiantons possessing essentially ALL the land north of us because they were indeed far too large and powerful for us with our 300,000 to attempt to fight with].

GRIJALVA AND UCUMACINAT SIZE COULD BE AN ISSUE. The Usumacinta rivers seem a little to big to match with what the Book of Mormon describes of the River Sidon being seemingly easily crossed by the Nephites & Amlicites near Zarahemla (Alma 2:27–35). The river needs to be small enough for a “numberless army” to easily cross, but big enough to carry away thousands of corpses to the sea (Alma 3:3). The river also needs to be in a deep canyon near where the battle and crossing took place. And should also form a border of sorts in its areas south of Zarahemla (Alma 22:27; see also Sidon in the Internal Model of the Book of Mormon). The Grijalva on the other hand needs to have its ‘head’ or main headwaters near the land and city of Manti. But in the Sorenson model, La Libertad, his match for Manti is on a small, minor central tributary of the Grijalva which isn’t a great match for the ‘head’ or headwaters of the River, which are far to the southwest.

Also suggesting rivers that travel northward as the Grijalva and Usumacinta both do, makes the idea of throwing thousands of dead bodies in the river (which then would float through the land of Zarahemla) a bit counterintuitive (see Alma 3:3).- Attempting to match the Umacinta river with Sidon, and somewhere like Palenque with Zarahemla makes the hill Amnihu, which was west of both Zarahemla and the River Sidon, problematic also. As there literally NO hills west of that locations.  So then you have to shoot for large sites farther south like Tonina or Yaxchilan.  But even then he city of Gideon is also a problem for essentially all Usumacinta models, as there are no sizable archaeological sites just west of Sidon yet still on the way to Nephi (Guatamala city). These issues are more minor and can be overcome with nuanced readings of the text.

MODELS WHICH PLACE BOUNTIFUL IN BELIZE ARE PROBLEMATIC. Likewise, models place bountiful south of Belize which accords well enough with verses which describe the land/city of bountiful as being “north of Zarahemla (see Alma 22).  But those directions break down in Alma 50:34, when Moroni chases Morianton “and not head them until they had come to the borders of the land Desolation; and there they did head them, by the narrow pass which led by the sea into the land northward, yea, by the sea, on the west and on the east.”   If Bountiful is correctly “North” then surely this should also say, “by the sea on the north and on the south”.  Using tehuantepec as a narrow neck has serious direction issues.  Furthermore, WHERE THEN IS the sea north thats mentioned in (ref)? if its not the Caribbean in this area?

ALMA 52:9 IS A BIT PROBLEMATIC IN ALL MAYANLAND MODELS. The east sea cities in this model don’t make a whole lot of sense.  Take Alma 52:9, for instance. It says “he also sent orders unto him that he should fortify the land Bountiful, and secure the narrow pass which led into the land northward, lest the Lamanites should obtain that point and should have power to harass them on every side.”   We see that bountiful is a fort which secures the narrow pass. So if Bountiful is in Belize, this makes no sense. This verse accords with others that suggests that bountiful is both on the east sea, and on the narrow pass leading to desolation.

If on the other hand you put bountiful and the east sea cities in the Tabasco and Tehuantepec area, you have a major issue with directions such as (ref), that say Jershon? Nephihah? is east of the Land of Zarahemla. They’d have to be crazy to think north-WEST is east. Furthermore, there’s just not much evidence of fortifications in that area, and the BOM says basically ALL those cities were fortified. 

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The traditional New England Cumorah correlation is FAR less problematic than the Mesoamerica 2 Cumorah theory.

SUMMARY OF WHY PUTTING CUMORAH IN MESOAMERICA IS A POOR FIT TO THE TEXT.

In reality, putting Cumorah in Veracruz is a needless distraction. The ONLY problem it solves is the imagined distance issue of Omer & the final Nephite exodus while creating even more substantial issues. Perhaps above all it virtually necessitates the creation of an opposing “Heartland theory” to fill in the holes left by the following issues which arise from excluding the United States and most of North America from being part of the Book of Mormon.
– Mesoamerican Cumorah directly contradicts D&C 128:20 and the prophetic visions and beliefs of Joseph Smith concerning New York and the United States as part of the Land of Promise and its ancient inhabitants being part of the Book of Mormon.
– A Mesoamerican Cumorah essentially makes Joseph Smith a fool with his vision of Zelph the “white Lamanite warrior” being false. To suggest otherwise is to ignore or irrationally explain away an enormous amount of evidence such as Joseph Smith’s letter to Emma where the area Zelph was found is described as “the plains of the Nephites… [where we roved] over the mounds of that once beloved people of the Lord, picking up their skulls & their bones, as a proof of its divine authenticity.” Note also Heber C. Kimball’s journal (which is cooperated by several other sources) states specifically that Joseph framed his information on Zelph as coming “in a vision”, and that it identifies both Cumorah, and the area of Illinois as being associated with the final Nephite battle.

“Brother Joseph had a vision respecting the person. He said he was a white Lamanite. The curs was taken from him or at least in part. He was killed in battle with an arrow. The arrow was found among his ribs. One of his thigh bones was broken. This was done by a stone flung from a sling in battle years before his death. His name was Zelph… Zelph was a large thick set man and a man of God. He was a warrior under the great prophet Onandagus that was known from the hill Camorah or east sea to the Rocky mountains. The above knowledge Joseph received in a vision.” (Journal of Wilford Woodruff)
“It was made known to Joseph that he had been an officer who fell in battle, in the last destruction among the Lamanites, and his name was Zelph. This caused us to rejoice much, to think that God was so mindful of us as to show these things to his servant. Brother Joseph had enquired of the Lord and it was made known in a vision.” (Journal of Heber C. Kimball)

1 Ne 22:7 & 1 Ne 13:30 say specifically that “god will raise up a mighty nation among the gentiles… on the face of THIS land, and by them SHALL OUR SEED BE SCATTERED.” Putting the Book of Mormon heartland AND the Nephite’s Land Northward & Cumorah in a corner of south & central Mexico instead of Mexico AND the US makes these prophecies essentially false or at least misleading. (which is undoubtedly why not a single LDS prophet or apostle have supported the 2 Cumorah theory, and several have actively taught against it.
– Also a Mesoamerican Cumorah in Veracruz or the Mexican Highland is not an “exceedingly great distance” from the Land of Zarahemla (as stated in Hel 3:4), given that neither the Land of Nephi NOR ANY OTHER LAND is said to be so superlatively far away from the Nephite population center.
– Also no other land in North America matches as well as the Eastern US & Great Lakes region as a land of large bodies of water and many rivers (Hel 3:3–5, Alma 50:29) or a land of many waters, rivers, and fountains (Mormon 6:4). As noted from the perspective of one likely familiar with the MANY large rivers, fountains and lakes of southern Mexico and Guatemala. (Hel 3:5)
– The Great Lakes are certainly the best match for the “the waters of Ripliancum, which, by interpretation, is large, or to exceed all“, which were near the land Cumorah (Ether 15:8)
– Only the Great Lakes are near a true “sea north” (Hel 3:8). Especially given the “nephite north” of most Mesoamerican models.
– Northernmost Mexico and North America’s southwest are a better match than Mesoamerica for the Land Northward’s part of the “Land of Desolation” which was “desolate, save it were for timber… being but little timber upon the face of the land, nevertheless the people who went forth became exceedingly expert in the working of cement; therefore they did build houses of cement, in the which they did dwell.” (Hel 3:6–7) Note that the Maya built with just as much or more cement in their adobe houses and monumental architecture as the Teotihuacanos, Olmec or Zapotec.
– The U.S. Midwest is the best match for a culture of people who did “dwell in tents.” (Hel 3:9) Also Joseph Smith is quoted as associating the Great Plains as well as Desert Southwest/Northern Mexico as Desolation. (see J.S. quotes on B.O.M. geography)
– A Mesoamerican Cumorah makes the SOUTHWARD flight of few surviving Nephites after the final battle go directly back into enemy controlled territory. (Mormon 8:2)
– A Veracruz Cumorah makes the eastward directionality of Omer’s flight which lasted many days” between the Hill Shim & the seashore, essentially unworkable, since the coast is only 20 miles or so from the coast. (Ether 9:3) One might suggest the many days was from Moron (La Venta area) to Cumorah (Tres Zapotes area), but even this doesn’t work, because the Egyptian-based ‘Nephite North’ of M2C wouldn’t exist with the Jaredites, so this would make going “from thence eastward… [to] the seashore” essentially backtracking which doesn’t make much sense. Nor does the later account of Cumorah being “southward” of “the waters of Ripliancum, which, by interpretation, is large, or to exceed all” make sense in this scenario (Ether 15:8–10).
– A Mesoamerican Cumorah requires all Jaredites to have been in the small area of Tehuantepec Mesoamerica also, which makes the over 2-4 MILLION deaths of the final battle possible, but questionable. (Ether 15:2,14)
– A Veracruz Cumorah might make the moving of ALL THE NEPHITE RECORDS from the Hill Shim to Hill Cumorah a bit illogical (a distance of LESS than a hundred miles or so – Mormon 4:23). Both Cumorah and Shim were “about to be overthrown” (Mormon 4:23), why not just leave the records hidden in Shim, unless you were planning on truly taking them far enough away to a completely different region where the Nephites hoped to establish a new home? (Mormon 4:22)
– If tens of thousands of early LDS saints fled 2,160 miles by foot from New York to Ohio to Nauvoo to Utah IN 17 YEARS, building dozens of cities along the way, Why would hundreds of thousands of Nephites or millions of Jaredites only flea 100 MILES OR SO over 30+ years, building no new archaeological traceable cities/culture along the way? Why not instead supposed they fled the 2600 miles to New England and build up the Hopewell archaeological ruins along the way?
– If the Book is all south of Oaxaca then there are SERIOUS issues with the animal lists mentioned for BOTH the Nephites & Jaredites. (see my article here)
– If the Book of Mormon has nothing to do with North America, why would God have Moroni burry it in New York? Why not save time and burry it in Nauvoo or Utah?!?
– If Moroni wasn’t sure whether he’d die or not in the final Battle (Moroni 1:1). And Mormon WAS killed in battle (Mormon 8:5), then WHY ON EARTH would Moroni not bury the plates BEFORE the final battle (as the text suggest he did in Mormon 6:6). Then he goes back and “writes more” after he miraculously doesn’t die (Mormon 1:1).
– If Cumorah is southern Veracruz, where on earth was the “towns and villages” of Mormon 4:22–23, or the “strongholds” and “towns and villages and cities” in the “country which lay before us” after the battle for Jordan? (Mormon 5:4–7). All the fortresses and strongholds of the epi-Olmec are north of Tres Zapotes (the M2C Cumorah area), and dont match the BOM timeline.
–If Cumorah and the Land Northward does not include North America, why did Hagoth leave from the west coast of Bountiful to take thousands of people “TO THE LAND NORTHWARD” (see Alma 63:5–9)? How does that gain faster access to Veracruz or the Mexican Highland or any of areas that the 2 Cumorah model suggests are the Land Northwards? A west coast launch point only makes sense to access Northwest Mexico, the Gulf of California (and thus the Anasazi land which we know traded with Mesoamerica) and the west coast of North America.
Ether 10:19–21 says Lib “built a great city by the narrow neck”, and then “preserved the land southward for a wilderness, to get game”, allowing only “the land northward [to be] covered with inhabitants”. This seems to suggest that at some point in Jaredite narrative, their culture moved from the land of Moron (was near the land which is called Desolation by the Nephites — Ether 7:6) to a more northern location. Perhaps somewhere far to the north such as the Poverty Point culture, Watson Break, Woodland Culture & Adena cultures. Although by the final war, the narrative seems to move back to the land of Moron (Ether 14:6) the shear number of deaths (2 Million+ before the final gathering even starts from Ether 14:24–31 & Ether 15:1–3) suggest it could be a long time and a long ways until they finally end up near “the waters of Ripliancum, which, by interpretation, is large, or to exceed all” (Ether 15:8) which is NORTH (Ether 15:10) of, and “by” the hill Rama which is “that same hill where my father Mormon did hide up the records unto the Lord” (Ether 15:10).
– Some presume the final Jaredite battle must have been close to Moron where the Jaredites lived. However, this forgets that the Mulekites, Nephites & Jaredites COEXISTED for at least a few hundred years before the Jaredite final battle with the ONLY record of interaction being Coriantumr’s 9 month say with the Mulekites. The fact that Limhi’s exploration party found the Jaredite land littered with bones gives us an approximate age of the Jaredite final battle since they departed between 160-120 BC, and bones only last a few decades before disintegrating in wet climates. With Ether 15:2 reporting 2 million war casualties before the Jaredite war even begins to wind down, IT IS HIGHLY UNLIKELY THAT THE JAREDITE CAPITOL WAS VERY NEAR THE MULEKITE OR NEPHITE POPULATION CENTERS. If they were close, it would be strange not to have gotten involved in the war or at least known about it. Especially with sites like the Mirador Basin, Izapa & other obvious Olmec dated archaeological sites being so close to the land of Nephi & Zarahemala of Mayanland models! And we can’t really assume the land of dried bones where the Limhite exploration party found the plates was in an ARID environment since it seems to have been a land of ‘many waters’ suggesting a lot of rainfall (see Mosiah 8:8)
– The location of Uto-Aztecan languages not only matches well with the early Aztec myths concerning their journey’s from Aztlan (see my article on Ixlilxochitl), but also with quotes by Joseph Smith identifying the Great Plains and Desert Southwest of the Four Corners and Northern Mexico with the Book of Mormon’s land of Desolation where as Mosiah Hancock put it, Joseph said “the Nephites lost their power” (see Mormon 4:18)

The Uto-Aztecan language group clearly suggests the association and migration of peoples from the Mexican Highland to the Desert Southwest and Plains area of the United States near Independence Missouri.

A few problems when comparing 2 Cumorah models to the text of Alma 22.

1. The first of which concerns the River Sidon which doesn’t quite seem to fit with the configuration of the Grijalva River according to some clues in the chapter. For instance verse 27 says “through the borders of Manti, by the head of the river Sidon, running from the east towards the west.”

We cant be sure, but it definitely sounds like he’s saying that the river Sidon generally runs “from the east to the west”. Just like the narrow strip of wilderness mentioned earlier in the verse that forms the border between the Nephite & Lamanite lands. If true, this is problematic for the Grijalva river given the “Nephite North” (or idea that Nephite directions were rotated by 90 degrees to ours) needed to make the model fit the text.

An east to west “border-like” configuration of the river is supported by the fact that many references to the river refer to armies and people crossing it as they move from the Land of Zarahemla to the land of Nephi (see Alma 16:6, Alma 2, Alma 43).

We know that the river’s “head” or source lies “up beyond” the land of Manti (Alma 16:6–7; 22:27). We also know it has east & west banks near Manti (Alma 2:27,34).

We also learn in Alma 22 that it quite likely may have a second “head” near the Land of Bountiful. In verse 27, the river’s head is again mentioned saying, “nevertheless the Nephites had taken possession of all the northern parts of the land bordering on the wilderness, at the head of the river Sidon, from the east to the west, round about on the wilderness side; on the north, even until they came to the land which they called Bountiful.”

Once again, we can’t be sure because of the complicated sentence structures, but it sounds here that Mormon is reiterating that the River generally runs “from the east to the west”, but in this case has a head in “on the north,” near the region of bountiful.

This reading matches well with the configuration of the Balsas/Mixtec River of Central Mexico. (One of Mexico’s most economically & historically important rivers), but doesn’t seem to fit great with the Grijalva depending on your interpretation.

Reasons why many believe in the Mesoamerican M2C Theory

– NEW ENGLAND IS TOO FAR FROM MESOAMERICA FOR REFUGEES TO TRAVEL. Many find it hard to believe a group as large as the hundreds of thousands of Nephites and/or Jaredites who died in the final battles could or would travel that far. However this same poor reasoning would force a disbelief that the tens of thousands of Mormon pioneers traveled 2,100 miles from New York to Utah, or the estimated 300,000 plus people traveled the 2,200 mile long Oregon trail from 1841 to 1868, or the known records of hundreds of thousands of Goths who fled thousands of miles to escape the Hunnic invasions of Rome in the 2nd century AD or even the hundreds of thousands or even millions of Syrian refugees who recently migrated to Europe or the many other examples of long distance refuges. Indeed when comparing historic analogs, its the idea that the Nephites & Jaredites only fled 200 miles or less to avoid genocide which becomes hard to believe.
– ALSO TOO FAR FOR LIMHITE SEARCH PARTY. Believing 2000-3000 miles seems to far for the Limhite search party who found the Jaredite 24 plates amid a land of “many waters… covered with bones of men, and of beasts, and… with ruins of buildings of every kind” (Mosiah 8:8) has two poor assumptions. First, see this map of early American explorers (earlier in this article) to see how common many thousand miles exploration treks were. Given the history of notable ‘exploration parties’, its far less likey these “determined” explorers, who were lost “many days in the wilderness” traveling in a “land of many waters” only went a few hundred miles. Secondly since we don’t know where Ether hid the plates, we have no idea how far they traveled. It could have been near the final battle, or Ether could have brought them back to south to Moron. (Ether 15:10)
– CORIANTUMR COULDN’T WANDER THOUSANDS OF MILES WHEN INJURED. This is again poor logic. Wherever he went he likely allowed himself to heal before traveling. And his only living “9 moons” with the Mulekites could suggest he was now an old man. Either way, doesn’t it make sense he would head back to the land of Moron or Jaredite heartland to see if anyone was still alive? In fact, Alma 22:30–31 suggests the Mulekits surveyed the Jaredite destruction shortly after the final battle “it being the place of their first landing.” This wording seems to suggest multiple landings, and allows all sorts of wild plausible speculations such as perhaps the Mulekites sailing from a Phoenician port to Spain or England to settle for a few hundred years. And then coming to America and finding Coriantumr in a short-lived northern settlement much like Jamestown. And then after abandoning that “coming up into the south wilderness” where it was written on a rock and transformed into legend (Alma 22:31; Omni 1:20–21)
– OMER AND HIS HOUSEHOLD FLEE PAST CUMORAH. Once again this is poor logic to suggest a royal family fleeing for their lives would only go a hundred miles or so. Mulek fled some 10,000 miles for this exact same reason. Additionally, the fact that Omer fled “east” for “many days” doesn’t work well with a Mesoamerican Cumorah which is west and north of the olmec lands.
– THE EAST SEASHORE. There is a seashore mentioned “east” of Cumorah and Rama. (refs). This actually goes against a 2 cumorah theory since mesoamerican cumorah’s are northwest… (finish)
– ARMY LOGISTICS. Some say the logistics of a large army travelling out of their domain in Mesoamerica to New England makes no sense. This in an incredibly poor argument given what we know of the final battle of the Book of Mormon. If the final battle had any indication of being about land or political power the argument might be fair. But the book of Mormon gives the logic for the final battle (which seems to have changed from the early parts of the war, after the Nephite elite cede their land and sign the 10 year treaty), and makes it clear that by the time of the final battle (which at that point may have had different players than the initial players of Mormon 1 in Zarahemla, 57 years previous to the end) the war was solely about genocide towards those holding a religious belief. “Because of their HATRED they put to death every Nephite that will not deny the Christ…” (Moroni 1:2–3)
Were the battle against the Nephites about land, the Lamanites would have stopped once the Nephites abandoned land after land, but instead they pursue them even after they flee to and then abandon the Nephite frontier “cities” and “strongholds” of the “country which lay before us” (north of desolation in the land northward of Mormon 5:4–7).

Just the fact that they annihilate every man woman and child should key us into the fact that this is likely not just a typical war between “city states”. (unlike the wars of the book of Alma & Helaman) Much like the Jaredite final battle this is an atypical war of annihilation. So the most sound logic follows that the Nephites are going to run AS FAR AS POSSIBLE to keep their wives and children and selves from having to fight or dying from said genocide.

Also as far as logistics, there’s plenty of examples in history of armies with infantry travelling thousands of miles. (Romans, Alexander, Mongols, Huns, etc, etc). Even without horses, the logistics aren’t hard if you are relying on looting to feed your troops so you don’t need supply lines. (which we don’t even know how many they were… it may be they were more like 100,000 Lamanite/Gadianton men vs. the Nephites 250,000 men women & children) Furthermore… we don’t know where they were from! For all we know, the vast majority of Nephites AND Lamanites of the final battle were (by the end) all from the Hopewell area. At least we have good archaeological evidence of a social collapse there… something that the Mayan lands and Veracruz COMPLETELY LACKS at 380 AD.

Examples of historical long distance military campaigns. Those who think the final battle could not have involved large distances need to study their history.

SUMMARY OF WHY BOOK OF MORMON DIRECTIONS DO NOT MATCH MAYANLAND MODELS

– THE ‘NEPHITE NORTH’ CONCEPT IS ABOSULTELY DESTROYED BY 1 NEPHI 16 & 17, AS WELL AS ISAIAH PASSAGES AND ALLUSIONS TO BIBLICAL DIRECTIONALITY PHRASES MADE BY CHRIST HIMSELF.

Mayanland models suffer from irreconcilable directionality issues, which they often attempt to resolve with a concept known as ‘Nephite north’ where the BOM directional system is rotated by 90 degrees. Without the rotation, scriptures like Haggoth’s journey to the Land Northward from the West Sea (Alma 63:5–9) becomes more of a journey to the land Westward from the South Sea. Or worse in Alma 50:7–14, the ‘east wilderness’ (v.7) become a north wilderness, the “lands which were south of the land of Zarahemla” become north of the land of Zarahemla, and the “city Moroni… by the east sea… south by the line of the possessions of the Lamanites” becomes by the north sea, north by the possessions of the Lamanites. In fact most of Alma 22 become twisted directionally as well. To overcome these and other direction issues the unworkable Nephite north was proposed. Which might prove logical were it not that 1 Nephi 16:13–14 & 1 Nephi 17:1 show it to be untrue.

To understand Sorenson’s logic concerning ‘Nephite North’, a reader should first consult the article Directions in Hebrew, Egyptian, and Nephite Language, by William Hamblin and reproduced in Sorenson’s Geography of Book of Moron Events, appendix C. In this article, Sorenson & Hamblin rightly point out that Egyptian and Hebrew coordinate systems were often rotated by 90 degrees. This because during some periods Egyptians seem to have oriented themselves by the headwaters of the Nile, and Israelites by the rising sun. Thus “One of the terms for ‘south’ [in Egyptian] is also a term for ‘face’; the usual word for ‘north’ is probably related to a word which means the ‘back of the head.’” (see Turin Papyrus Map or demotic magical papyrus). In fact as Hebrew scholar David Ben-Gad HaCohen points out in Ancient mapping: Israelite vs Egyptian Orientation, he agrees with the initial parameters of Sorenson/Hamblin’s presumed logic saying,

…the Egyptian term for south was “face” or “upstream.” [And] “Back,” “downstream,” or “end,” was the term for north. With this orientation towards the south, right and left referred to west and east respectively. In fact, the Egyptian term for “right” is actually cognate [or root form] with the Hebrew term [for right], (ỉmnt in Egyptian, ymn in Hebrew), although in Egyptian it referred to the west [whereas in Hebrew it refers to the south].

Importantly, is reiterated in Brant Gardners defense of Sorenson & Hamblins “Nephite North” argument that the Maya, like the Hebrews, incorporated the concept, k’in ‘sun’, into the term east (lak’in), and also used the concepts left and right for north and south respectively.

So in Hebrew the term ‘face’ meant east, and in Egyptian it meant south. And in Hebrew (and possibly Maya) the term right meant south, and in Egyptian it meant west. But following this logic shows that if Mormon was using his native Hebrew logic of face=east and right=south, then when writing his logic into the Reformed Egyptian language of the plates (without properly translating true directions according to the obvious sun rises in east sets in west as Sorenson/Hamblin suggest) he would have accidentally used Egyptian words that Joseph Smith literally translated from Egyptian as face=south and right=west respectively. This logic seems plausible because the land to the east of Zarahemla would be have actually been called the land faceward (land eastward), which Joseph then might have wrongly translated, the land southward (after the Egyptian convention instead of the Hebrew).

sorensen’s nephite north logic

Lets explain that one more time just to make sure everyone understands the logic (which as I’ll explain, 1 Ne. 16:13, & 1 Ne. 17:1 destroys) In Hebrew the term ‘sea south’ would be קרקע דרומה or land yamín/ymn or more literally ‘sea of the right hand’. (see strongs 3227) So if Mormon didn’t correctly translate his meaning of true south, or right of the rising sun, into Egyptian, he might have written in reformed Egyptian something like ‘sea ỉmnt’ or sea of the right hand. Which, as the Sorenson argument goes, as Joseph Smith translated by the power of God, got translated literally instead of translating its true meaning, and thus ‘sea south’ would become ‘sea west’, since the Egyptian word for right (which shares a root with the hebrew word for right) translates to west.

See this youtube video for understanding Egyptian/Hebrew/Arabic directional relationships

Now that we understand the logic, and you’ve been thoroughly baffled with BS, let me explain why this theory is absolutely untenable.
1. The correct directionally given in 1 Ne. 16:13, & 1 Ne. 17:1 show clearly that Mormon did not incorrectly project his Hebrew directionality into the text. The Lehites journey “south-southeast” along the red sea make this clear. And should anyone suspect Joseph ‘corrected’ Mormon’s incorrect directions, 1 Ne. 17:1 proves he didn’t, as Joseph would not have known about heading east to Nehom or the only spot in Yemen with trees to build ships! Likewise 2 Nephi 21:14 usage of the biblical/traditional ‘west’ shows there was no translation/cultural directional mistakes. And Christ’s words in 3 Nephi 20:13 also follow the bible verbiage using east/west then north/south in an obvious allusion to Psalm 107:3 and Isaiah 43:5–6 showing again that east and west are being translated correctly! (In fact Egyptian influence may be present here, causing north & south to be reversed but not north/south and east/west!) Several other Isaiah passages also show Mormon correctly passed on Hebrew directions to Joseph (see 1 Ne 21:13, 2 Ne 12:6)
2. The idea that Mormon got his directions wrong doesn’t hold weight when we consider the number of times north & south are associated with “lands” (Hel 3,7; Alma 46,52, 63,50,22; Mormon 2, etc) contrasted with the number of times east & west are associated with “seas”. Surely Mormon would understand from the context if he was mismatching sea and land! And surely Joseph would catch this mistake it it was somehow made on his part!
3. In fact the imagery of 3 Nephi 1:17 make the idea of mistaken directions impossibly ridiculous. In this verse the phrase “17 And they began to know that the Son of God must shortly appear; yea, in fine, all the people upon the face of the whole earth from the west to the east, both in the land north and in the land south, were so exceedingly astonished that they fell to the earth.” obviously has reference to the rising and setting of the sun. It’s honestly crazy to think that this verse should actually have a 90 rotation applied and say anything different than what it says. The same type of terminology is used in the Turin Papyrus Map and no one has or would translate that reference incorrectly because of its relationship to the sun!
4. Also, like old world texts, the Book of Mormon tends to use the same type of language employed in describing the motion of the sun, when talking about east/west directions related to the sun. “8 And the land of Nephi did run in a straight course from the east sea to the west.” Alma 50:8, Also Alma 22 “the river Sidon, running from the east towards the west”. This is likely because the words themselves in both Hebrew & Egyptian were related with concepts (such east and the rising of the sun) making confusion incredibly unlikely! For instance, the Hebrew word for east ‘miz-rāḥ‘ meant ‘rising’. The Hebrew word for west ma-‘ă-rāḇ, meant ‘sunset’. Also the word for north ṣā-p̄ō-wn, meant ‘hidden. Its only the Hebrew word for south yām or ṯê-mān, which kept its Egyptian meaning of ‘sea’ (as in the Mediterranean Sea) and thus came to mean or be translated as right hand, south or west. (Genesis 1:10 translates it as ‘sea’, Genesis 12:8 translates it as ‘west’).

Critique of the Sorenson Model (& all others which put all B.O.M. ‘east coast cities’ on the north coast of Tehuantepec)

The Sorensen Limited Geography (2 Cumorah) Model

The Sorenson-Grijalva model prioritizes archaeology correlations over geography relationships, so it has more issues with correlating the placement & populations of its cities with what’s implied in the Book of Mormon text but is superior to the Usumacinta models in its archaeological correlations. In this section we focus on a number of geographic issues the model has with the text.

– NEPHITE NORTH. We already spoke of the issues Mayanland models have with general directions in the BOM text. So in this section we will accept, and attempt to use the 90 degree rotation needed to make directions generally fit the text. However, at the end of this section we will show that “Nephite north” or the theory proposed by Sorenson that Egyptian/Hebrew directions were rotated by 90 degrees is not supported by archaeology or the bible.

– POPULATIONS DONT MATCH WELL. Sorenson’s match for the city of Zarahemla is an archaeological site called Santa Rosa in the Grijalva Valley. The site was drown beneath the La Angostura Reservoir in 1974 but before this a detailed archaeological analysis was made. This study puts the maximum population of the site at less than 20,000 people. Both its number of mounds, artifacts & other population indicators suggested it was a satellite city to the larger, more prominent nearby site Chiapa de Corzo. However, Chiapa de Corzo being far to the ‘nephite north-west’ does not match any sites mentioned in the BOM text (so Sorenson attaches it to Sidom). Much like the Heartland’s Zarahemla, this population setup just does not match with the Book of Mormon. When Nephi sees our day, he describes the latter-day population of the promised land as “in number as many as the sand of the sea.” This same phrase is used in Mormon 1, where Mormon describes visiting the land of Zarahemla where,

7 The whole face of the land had become covered with buildings, and the people were as numerous almost, as it were the sand of the sea. (mormon 1:7)

The same description is given to the combined forces of the Lamanites, Amlicites after a small preliminary battle caused 12,532 + 6,562 casualties and after which the dead “were so numerous that they could not be numbered” (Alma 2:19,27,35). The same is said in Moroni’s battles of Alma 51:27 where Mormon describes Amalickiah’s army as “a numberless host”. This is juxtaposed with battles consisting of the “many thousands” of Alma 51:11, 30,000 of Mormon 1:11, 44,000 of Mormon 2:9, and 50,000 of Mormon 2:25 (not to mention the 250,000 number of dead given in Mormon 6.

Even before the time of Christ after Moroni’s wars when Lachoneas urbanizes the people by the “many thousands” into the center of the border of Zarahemla & Bountiful (3 Ne 3:23–26) we learn of many military skirmishes which suggest enormous numbers in the population. In battle against the gorilla forces of the Gadianton Robbers it says,

21 And the Nephites were continually marching out by day and by night, and falling upon their armies, and cutting them off by thousands and by tens of thousands. (3 Nephi 4:21)

If the Gadianton robbers had multiple battles where they lost not just thousands but “tens of thousands” of soldiers in multiple battles not even worth specific mention, then we can infer that the Nephite capital area was hosting populations at least in the hundred thousand range! Thus picking an archaeological correlation for Zarahemla that was as small and inconsequential as Santa Rosa seems less convincing when better options are available.

It’s no wonder that renowned non-Mormon archaeologist Michael Coe explained that the only culture that could fit the type of numbers given in the Book of Mormon is the Mexican Highland.

– ALMA 52:9 MAKES NO SENSE WITH THIS MODEL. The location of all the east cities AND Bountiful in Sorenson’s model makes it so Alma 52:9 makes no sense because it is SOO far ‘north’ (even though its actually west) of the land of Zarahemla, that guarding the ‘pass’ near bountiful makes absolutely no strategic bearing on the security of the Land of Zarahemla. Listen to the wording of the verse.

9 And he also sent orders unto him that [Teancum] should fortify the land Bountiful, and secure the narrow pass which led into the land northward, lest the Lamanites should obtain that point and should have power to harass them on every side. (Alma 52:9)

Look at the map and note that NONE of Sorenson’s ‘east coast’ cities would keep the Lamanites out of Zarahemla.  Only a configuration as discussed in #1 would. Alma 60:19 further pushes this issue that Moroni’s defensive cities spoken of in Alma 51-59 fully protect the central land of Zarahemla.

19 Or is it that ye have neglected us because ye are in the heart of our country and ye are surrounded by security, that ye do not cause food to be sent unto us, and also men to strengthen our armies? (Alma 60:19)

– EAST COAST CITIES ARE NORTH OF ZARAHEMLA INSTEAD OF EAST. Note particularly Alma 51:26’s language where it says,

Nephihah, and the city of Lehi, and the city of Morianton, and the city of Omner, and the city of Gid, and the city of Mulek, all of which were on the east borders [of Nephite lands/land of Zarahemla-per Alma 50:13–15] by the seashore.   (Alma 51:26)

Note it does not say “on the east seashore”, but “on the east borders.” And from Alma 52:9 mentioned above, we can again confidently assume that’s referring to the east borders of the Land of Zarahemla. And Alma 50:13 makes this more clear, specifying that Nephihah is on the “south” of the east sea (as we’ll go over in a moment), where as the Lehi, Morianton, Omer, Gid & Mulek are a bit farther north, but still obviously in line enough with the Land of Zarahemla to make all the evidence fit.

How can these cities be considered to be “on the east borders” of Nephite lands in Sorensen’s model when he has them so far North? They are LITERALLY WEST of Zarahaemla— But even using Sorensen’s 90 degree rotation of “Nephite North”, placing these cities on Tehuantepec in line with Bountiful clearly makes them northern border cities contrary to the text & flow of the Lamanite attack. Not to mention that such a configuration leaves the entirety of the western flank of the land of Zarahemla or Chiapas depression open for attack (discussed next). It also makes the location of Jershon illogical (discussed later).

– SORENSON’S PLACEMENT OF NEPHIHAH, MORONI & MANTI ARE ILLOGICAL & CONTRARY TO THE TEXTAlma 50 puts the nail in the coffin concerning the above issues, showing the problem in all Mayanland models but especially the Sorenson model. Alma 50:7–15 begins by saying Moroni DROVE THE LAMANITES OUT OF THE EAST WILDERNESS until they were SOUTH OF ZARAHEMLA, and then created a new border which runs IN A STRAIGHT COURSE FROM THE EAST TO THE WEST SEA. Look at the map and try and figure out how this works with Sorenson’s model? It doesn’t!

The text then says he “placed armies on the SOUTH…[of the east wilderness and land of Zarahemla–as per v.7-8] fortifying the line between the Nephites and the Lamanites, between the land of Zarahemla and the land of Nephi, from the west sea…” to the newly built garrison cities of Moroni, which was “by the east sea… on the south” by the line of [Lamanite] possessions” by the new border (v. 13). And Nephihah, Aaron & Moroni all share borders (v. 14). 

This absolutely does not work with Sorenson’s model. Read the whole section here carefully for yourself. Mormon first specifies the “straight course” (east/west sea to sea) nature of the border, then says the city of Moroni is built right on it— SOUTH of Zarahemla. 

And it came to pass that Moroni caused that his armies should go forth into the east wilderness; yea, and they went forth and drove all the Lamanites who were in the east wilderness into their own lands, WHICH WERE SOUTH OF THE LAND OF ZARAHEMLA. And the land of Nephi did run in a straight course from the east sea to the west. (Alma 50:7–8)

10 And he also placed armies on the south [of the Land Zarahemla & east wilderness], in the borders of [Nephite] possessions… 11 And thus he cut off all the strongholds of the Lamanites in the east wilderness, yea, and also on the west, fortifying the line [of possession] between the Nephites and the Lamanites, between the land of Zarahemla and the land of Nephi, from the west sea, running by the head of the river Sidon–[to the east sea, per verse 8] 13 And it came to pass that the Nephites began the foundation of a city, and they called the name of the city Moroni; and it was by the east sea; and it was ON THE SOUTH by the line of the possessions of the Lamanites. 14 And they also began a foundation for a city between the city of Moroni and the city of Aaron, joining the borders of Aaron and Moroni; and they called the name of the city, or the land, Nephihah. 15 And they also began in that same year to build many cities on the north, one… called Lehi. (Alma 50:10–15)

These verses are SO descriptive, that essentially ALL internal models interpret a similar layout of a backwards L of border cities. Note specifically that Moroni & Nephihah ARE ON THE SOUTH right on the Nephite/Lamanite border, as opposed to Lehi & its neighbors which are ON THE NORTH– but not SO far north that Alma 52:9 doesn’t make sense. So Sorenson’s placement directly contradicts the text! But even if we use stretches of logic to twist the text to say something different—if Moroni & Nephihah (which are part of the East Coast Cities mentioned in Alma 51:26) were on the North coast of Tehuantepec, how does that help divide or fortify Zarahemla from Lamanite attack from the land of Nephi?!  How can they be considered “south of the Land of Zarahemla” (Alma 50:7) or “south of the borders of their possessions” (Alma 50:10) or “south by the line of the possessions of the Lamanites” (Alma 50:13)! Especially when the context seems to infer that all of these terms are referring to the same area.

– MANTI IS IN PROXIMITY TO NEPHIHAH & MORONI IN THE TEXT. (As per Alma 56:25, Alma 59:5–7, Alma 43:22) Putting Manti far from Nephihah or Moroni is fully against the text. (A full 200-250 miles in Sorenson’s Model.)  In these three verses, armies move between these cities as if they are the closest options. For instance the Lamanite armies guarding Manti debate whether to retreat to Nephihah when under attack from Helaman’s forces.

25 Neither durst they [the Lamanites in Manti & surrounding cities] march down against the city of Zarahemla; neither durst they cross the head of Sidon, over to the city of Nephihah. (Alma 56:25)

Later after Helaman and the 2000 stripling warrior drive them from the city of Manti & Judea, the Lamanite armies flee there anyway. Obviously because Nephihah was one of the closest cities needing reinforcements.

5 And it came to pass that while Moroni was thus making preparations to go against the Lamanites to battle, behold, the people of Nephihah, who were gathered together from the city of Moroni and the city of Lehi and the city of Morianton, were attacked by the Lamanites. 6 Yea, even those who had been compelled to flee from the land of Manti, and from the land round about, had come over and joined the Lamanites in this [Nephihah] part of the land. 7 And thus being exceedingly numerous, yea, and receiving strength from day to day, by the command of Ammoron they came forth against the people of Nephihah… (Alma 59:5–7)

Remember Nephihah was between Aaron and Moroni (Alma 50:14), and Aaron was somewhat near Ammonihah (Alma 8:13). And Moroni, Nephihah and Lehi are all relatively close by each other (Alma 51:24–26). It makes ABSOLTELY no sense for the people of Manti near Libertad on the Chiapas border to flee over 200 miles to Sorenson’s Nephihah on the north reaches of the Grijalva River near the coast.

– SORENSON’S ANTIONUM DOESN’T WORK WITH THE TEXT. The Book of Mormon strongly implies that Antionum is south-east of the land Zarahemla. Sorenson’s model puts it northwest (or north-northeast using “Nephite North”). Read the references and note how Sorenson’s configuration would require the west Yucatan to be the “wilderness south” of Alma 31:3, which makes absolutely no sense–because that region is already his east wilderness.

3 Now the Zoramites had gathered themselves together in a land which they called Antionum, which was east of the land of Zarahemla, which lay nearly bordering upon the seashore, which was south of the land of Jershon, which also bordered upon the wilderness south, which wilderness was full of the Lamanites. (Alma 31:3)

The South Wilderness is defined elsewhere, and it is not East! Alma 16:7 puts it south of Zarahemla, “up beyond the borders of Manti”, near the head of the River Sidon. Alma 22:27–31 agrees, saying the Land of Zarahemla and the Land of Nephi are separated by a “narrow strip of wilderness” (v.27), which we have no reason not to believe is the “south wilderness” of v.31

– ANTIONUM IS ASSOCIATED WITH THE AMALEKITES & THEIR CAPITAL JERUSALEM WHICH SHOULD BE IN PROXIMITY TO JERSON, HELEM, MORMON & THE EAST SEA Alma 43:4–6,13–15 suggests Antionum is a major base of the Amulonites, Zoramites AND Amalekites. But Alma 21:1–2 says the Amalekites built Jerusalem (presumably in their land of Antionum!), which Alma 24:1 suggests in near Helam and Mormon. Alma 56:25 and Alma 59:5–6 reinforces the proximity of Ationum and Nephihah to Manti, suggesting all these regions should be SOUTH and EAST of Zarahemla (as suggested in Alma 50:7,13–14), near the east sea.

– ANTIONUM IS NEAR MANTI. Once again, Alma 31:3 says Antionum is EAST of Zarahemla & south of Jershon. But Alma 43:22 implies that Antionum is at least a bit SOUTH-EAST of Zarahemla near the southern border between the Nephites and Lamanites. Why else would the Zoramite/Amalekite army come into Manti after trying to attack Jershon? In Sorenson’s model this army would have marched over 300 miles to get from Jershon on Tehuantepec to Manti in the Grijalva basin! Not only does this not make sense distance wise.. it also makes little sense strategically.

22 Behold, now it came to pass that they durst not come against the Nephites in the borders of Jershon; therefore they departed out of the land of Antionum into the wilderness, and took their journey round about in the wilderness, away by the head of the river Sidon, that they might come into the land of Manti and take possession of the land; for they did not suppose that the armies of Moroni would know whither they had gone. (Alma 43:22)

– JERSHON DOESN’T WORK WITH SORENSON’S MODEL EITHER! Note that the above verse also makes Sorenson’s location of Jershon CONTRARY TO THE TEXT. In fact Jershon breaks the Sorenson model, because as we just read, Jerson is north of Antionum. And Antionum is EAST of Zarahemla (Alma 31:3). In fact its southeast, not northeast which we’ll prove in a moment. Yet Sorenson is FORCED to put Jershon and Antionum to the North of Zarahemla because his city of Bountiful is SO FAR NORTH, and Alma 27:22 clearly states that Jerson borders Bountiful.

22 And it came to pass that the voice of the people came, saying: Behold, we will give up the land of Jershon, which is on the east by the sea, which joins the land Bountiful, which is on the south of the land Bountiful (Alma 27:22)

Alma 27 also goes on to imply that Jerson is near, and possibly even borders, the land of Nephi

23 And behold, we will set our armies between the land Jershon and the land Nephi, that we may protect our brethren in the land Jershon (Alma 27:23)

So Jerson borders Bountiful AND Antionum, which is EAST (Alma 31:3) and NOT NORTH or north-east of Zarahemla as he tries to make it. Honestly this should also be clear from the fact that Manti (Alma 43:22) is the first city attacked by Zerahemnah who stages his war from Antionum (Alma 43:5,15), which is obviously located somewhat near the south border (which is why the Nephites were worried about a possible separatist movement among them in Alma 31:4).

In fact the wording of Alma 28:1–3 suggests that Jershon would be somewhat near the southern border on the borders of Zarahemla and the “south wilderness” close to Nephi. Especially when you add how the people of Jershon are later moved to a safer location (Alma 35:13)?  Jershon & Antionum being on the southern border by the land Nephi is also suggested by Alma 43:22 which has the Amalekites heading over to Manti and the head of Sidon as the next best attack point after being scared off in the land of Jershon. In Sorensen’s model this would be a 250 mile flank maneuver across an enigmatic massive swath of eastern frontier which his model has no cities guarding! 

22 Behold, now it came to pass that [the Amackites] durst not come against the Nephites in the borders of Jershon; therefore they departed out of the land of Antionum into the wilderness, and took their journey [way, way, way?] round about in the wilderness, away by the head of the river Sidon, that they might come into the land of Manti and take possession of the land (Alma 43:22)

The close relationship between these regions is also suggested in Alma 59:5–7 where Nephihah and Moroni receive reinforcements from the Manti area. 

– MORONI (AND THUS NEPHIHAH & JERSHON) ARE IN THE CORNER OF THE WILDERNESS SOUTH & WILDERNESS EAST. We’ve already established this in previous verses, but Alma 62 hits it home by stating that the land of Moroni is surrounded by the wilderness south and wilderness east.  

34 And it came to pass that Moroni and Lehi and Teancum did encamp with their armies round about in the borders of the land of Moroni, insomuch that the Lamanites were encircled about in the borders by the wilderness on the south, and in the borders by the wilderness on the east [of the land Moroni]. (Alma 62:34)

Remember that Moroni is right on the east sea which drowns it at the death of Christ (3 Ne 8:9), so the “wilderness on the east” is obviously talking about the “east wilderness” which is east of the land of Zarahemla & Nephi (Alma 50:7–11Alma 25:5), not a wilderness east of Moroni (since there’s a sea east of Moroni).  Because of this we can safely assume that the “wilderness on the south” is also in relation to the Land of Zarahemla, or in other words, the “south wilderness” or narrow strip of wilderness that lies between the Nephite and Lamanite lands (as explained in Alma 16:6). This configuration is nowhere close to what Sorenson proposes. Sorenson’s model has Moroni nowhere EVEN NEAR the south wilderness. Or ANY south wilderness for that matter.

– AMMONIHAH’S LOCATION IS ILLOGICAL. Furthermore his northern location of Ammonihah, Noah and Aaron make no logistical sense. The Lamanite retreat of Alma 16 has an army crossing the head of Sidon while taking the captives home to the Land of Nephi. In Sorensen’s model, this would put the army retreating literally 200 miles directly through the south end of the Land of Zarahemla, in order to put them at the head of Sidon (La Libertad in his model), which makes absolutely no sense given the context of the story. In fact, Alma 49:3,15 says that Ammonihah was twice a target of Lamanite aggression because it was an “easy prey” or convenient point of attack.  So would a city 250 miles into enemy territory really be considered an “easy target? Doesn’t a placement much closer to the Nephite/Lamanite south border make far more sense? 

Especially, since we know Ammonihah is near Aaron (Alma 8:13), Jershon (Alma 35:1–8) and the Land of Antionum, then Alma 49 is the SECOND time an army heads toward Manti from that area.  So once again it is completely illogical to not place these two areas adjacent or somewhat close to one another along a southern border as suggested by most internal models as well as suggested by Alma 31:3 & Alma 50:7.

– ZERAHEMLA IS NOT LIKELY VERY NEAR THE WEST COAST.  The Book of Mormon does not seem to indicate that Zarahemla is near the West Sea or Coast. In fact if anything, it suggests its closer to the east coast. Note that the ‘new border’ cities and war chapters of Alma 51-58 talk about defensive cities on the southern border and EASTERN border, more likely suggesting that Zarahemla is closer to the east coast than the west coast, and that the “west wilderness” (Alma 8:3Alma 2:37) must be a major obstacle protecting the land from western entrance or exit.

More importantly, the Land of Zarahemla is NOT said to stretch “from the east sea unto the west sea” in Alma 22:27,33 like the land of Nephi, narrow strip of wilderness and land of Bountiful are. Additionally Helaman 1:18, 24–27 calls Zarahemla “the center of the land” and Alma 60:19 has Moroni calling the land of Zarahemla “in the heart of our country surrounded by security”. Sorenson’s model has Zarahemla being less than 50 miles from the west coast, which is hardly the heart of region.

Critique of the Usumacinta Mayanland Models

Book of Mormon Usumacinta Model

The Usumacinta model prioritizes the geographic relationships between east coast cities (especially Moroni & Nephihah) over archaeologic correlations (especially in the known dates of cities) and thus seems to do a slightly better job at fitting its geography to the Book of Mormon text than the Sorenson/Grijalva Model (or any model which places the ‘east sea’ cities on the north coast of Tehuantepec). However, like all Mayanland models, it still shares a few major issues with the ‘east sea’ cities. A problem which seems to be best overcome by supposing that Mormon and/or his people believed the east sea to be closer to Zarahemla than it was. (ie. the Yucatan peninsula was not as big as it actually is).

– Usumacinta models do a very poor job of matching formative archaeological sites to the Book of Mormon text. Although after the Time of Christ, archeological sites like Palenque, Tonina, Bonampak or even Yaxchilan could make for excellent correlations with Zarahemla with their large classic era populations, temples building and known trade networks and city-state formation—NONE of these sites match the timeline of the Book of Mormon well. The Book of Mormon suggests Zarahemla should have been founded by Mulekites sometime around 600 BC, but then see a burst of growth and city-state creation when Mosiah I come with his group from the Land of Nephi and consolidates power. And even more particularly when Captain Moroni re-aligns the border and consolidates power. With a slight population decline at the Time of Christ’s death from volcanic episodes and a massive resurgance from 33-350 AD when a collapse should appear.

Unfortunately none of these events are really seen in the archaeology with the exception of a political dispute in Tikal around 350 AD. (and Tikal is EAST of the Usumacinta (Sidon) which is contrary to the text.

– The Mirador Basin’s major formative population centers are very problematic for Usumacinta models. (explain this when you have time)

Strengths and weakness are covered in the Mayanland model section above.

PLUS ALL THE OTHER ISSUES ARLEADY MENTIONED ABOVE CONCERNING ALL LIMITED MESOAMERICAN MODELS

Usumacinta Rio Pasion Model

Strengths

The Rio Pasion model recognizes the weaknesses of having to rotate Mesoamerican maps 90 degrees to make them work, as well as the lack of matching Zarahemla with a notable archaeological site with considerable population, as well as the weakness of the width of Teohuantepec compared to the day or day and a half’s thickness of the narrow passes. It attempts to overcome these weaknesses by making the Land Northward, the northern Yucatan.

Weaknesses

-The narrow neck assumes an unproven shoreline change, that’s hard to make work. As you can see in the illustration above, if you increase sea level either globally or ecstatically (locally) before the time of Christ, you flood a LOT of archaoelogical sites that are known to date before the time of Christ. In fact, the sea simply would not come in and form a perfect ‘narrow neck as they propose. Although it does come in on the west side, it would not on the west side.
-The land northward experience MORE destructions. (how does that make sense in the Northern Yucatan)
-The Land Northward has many lakes, rivers and streams. The North Yucatan is almost devoid of these things because of its karst geology.
-The Land Northward is where the final destruction happens… where is Cumorah?
-If you hold to the Tikal rebellion, then how is Teotihuacan the Lamanites & Gadiatons that were given the land southward?
-Im guessing the Mirador Basin is Desolation where the Jaredites were destroyed… but how was it devoid of timber? If burned it would grow back within a single generation. And how did the swords last in such a humid environment?

Possible Issues with my Mexican Highland Continental model

Book of Mormon Geography Continental Model
Book of Mormon Geography Continental Model

1 – THE NARROW NECK NORTH OF THE LAND OF ZARAHEMLA IN ALMA 22:32 OF THE BOOK OF MORMON SOUNDS LIKE A NARROW ISTHMUS. I cover this issue in detail in my article entitled, ‘The Narrow Neck as Baja and the Sea of Cortez.’ In short, the most straight forward reading of the Book of Mormon text does indeed make the Narrow Neck sound like a very narrow Isthmus of no more than a day and a half’s journey or 15-30 miles across. (Especially if that’s already what you’re picturing in your mind). However, there are other ways to interpret Alma 50:34Alma 52:9Hel 4:6–7 Mormon 2:29 & Mormon 3:5–6.

In my model I reinterpret these scriptures to suggest that because the Book of Mormon never explicitly says that the Narrow Passes are ON the Narrow Neck, and that nothing indeed actually is said to occur ON the Narrow Neck (only BY it)— that the text allows for an interpretation where the Narrow Neck is actually the Baja Peninsula and was the defining geographic feature delineating the Boundary between their Land Northward (roughly US & Canada) vs. their Land Southward (roughly Mexico).

see The Narrow Neck as Baja and the Sea of Cortez for a detailed discussion on this topic.

Despite what I believe are valid rationalizations, its clear that the general isthmian impression given in Alma 22 is probably the number one weakness of this models correlation with the Book of Mormon text. (Although to be fair its a weakness shared to some extent by all models except the “panama as the narrow neck” models. )

2 – CITY OF TEANCUM COULD BE CONSTRUED AS AN ISSUE. The city of Teancum is mentioned in association with the city of Desolation in the final battles/retreat of Mormon 4.  The text seems to suggest that Desolation & Teancum are very close to each other. However, one would assume that a city named after Teancum would be very near the city of Bountiful on the East Coast since that is where Teancum died (if the city was named after the war general, which seems like a reasonable assumption, although certainly not stated in the text, or even implied). 

However, Mormon seems to have come from the same area of ‘narrow neck area’ of Desolation near the Hill Shim (Mormon 1:3–6) and yet was named after the waters and forest of Mormon way down in the land southward, Angola is likely named after a region in Africa, and Moroni named after the early general from Zarahemla, so the naming of things in that region after places or people in the Land Southward does have precedence in the text.  And Mormon seems to include a surprising amount of literature on the wars of Moroni suggesting things associated with those wars were important parts of the culture of Desolation where he lived. So it seems quite reasonable that the culture around Desolation and Boaz idolized the wars of Moroni to such a point that they named cities after ancient heroes regardless of it they were close to the locations of those ancient wars.

In fact some of the earliest cities in the Sonoran region have names coming from central or eastern Mexico, such as Culiacán, (spelled Culhuacan just like the important Aztec city in central Mexico on early maps). Also Pánuco Sinaloa, founded by Francisco de Ibarra in 1565, likely drawing from local naming and matching the city/river/province in Vera Cruz on the east coast. And matching the story told by Ixtlilxochitl of the Toltec king who went from the east coast to West Mexico. (find reference)

3 – DIRECTIONS. In regions like the Land of Zarahemla/ Nephi, the ‘sea west’ is not directly west, but south and west (excepting the Nayarit area where I believe Haggoth put in, which is directly west). Although, these minor directional issues are FAR less than those in the Heartland, or Mayanland models where directions must be rotated by a full 90 degrees to fit the text, they are still a bit different than the predominate internal models.

4 – DATING & TIMELINES. My models proposes two major claims about timelines and archaeological dates that many will find issue with, as I ascribe to errors on the part of Mormon or the spiritual translators. The model still works using traditional scriptural dates, but it works FAR better with the adjusted timelines. The first is my belief that the early Jaredites arrived just before the end of the Ice Age and that the Great Dearth mentioned in Ether 9 in which “people did follow the course of the [flocks, herds, elephants, cureloms & cumoms], and did devour the carcasses of them which fell by the way, until they had devoured them all” (Ether 9:30–34). My belief that this section matches far too closely with what is known of the Younger Dryas climate event which caused the extinction of North America’s megafauna to not be what the authors were referring too. This however archaeologically dates to a time far outside what it assumed by the text and its reference to the Tower of Babel (9500 BC vs. 2300 BC?). However, no solid dates are given for the Jaredite timeline in the Book of Ether, so any solid dates for the Tower of Babel are purely assumptions anyway as far as the Book of Mormon is concerned. I also allow for the possibility that it is the radiocarbon dates that are in error instead of the assumed scriptural dates.

The second is my Nephite final exodus and genocide which I give two possibilities for. The first being the traditional date & Hopewell collapse circa 400AD, but the second possibility I correlate with the burning and abonnement of Tula, the massacres of Alta Vista and calchhuates, teh burials mounds of Guesave, the Chacoan phenomena buildup and collapse/burning and the Cahokia Mississippian buildup and collapse. All of which date to between 1050-1150 AD instead of 300-400 AD. Which I again ascribe to a mistake on the part of Mormon or the spiritual translators.

4 – DISTANCE LOGISTICS

The Continental model is based on the assumption that the ancient inhabitants of the America’s spoken of in the Book of Mormon were as adept at long distance sea and overland travel as the ancient cultures of Egypt and Persia and even the Arabs & Austronesians during short stints. If the reader has trouble believing in the mounting evidence that Bronze Age cultures of the Old World spread their technology of megalithic architecture, pyramid building, and sea-worthy ship building across the globe then the Continental Model is not for you. (perhaps you should stick to a pocket model). However, if you suspect from the similarities of Stonehenge, Egypt, The Javan Pyramids and the Bronze Age pyramids of Caral-Supe Peru that the ancients possessed globalized skill and technology that we have not yet given them credit for, then the Continental model may add significant insight to your worldview.

Its typical for those who have been sold on one of the Book of Mormon pocket models to raise concerns about the distances involved in the Continental model. Often these concerns involve misunderstandings in the Book of Mormon text itself or hypocritical arguments nearly identical to those levied against the Book of Mormon by critics who do not believe the Lehite or Jaredite or Mulekite overland and transoceanic voyages were possible given their interpretation of archaeological evidence.

Following are some evidence to the contrary.

  • There is substantial evidence that the Teotihuacan Empire conquered the Soconusco region of Guatemala and that the Toltec’s conquered the area of Chichen Itza and that Aztec conquered Soconusco as well. Each of these regions are nearly 1000 miles from the Capital, showing the ancient Mexican Highland empire’s ability to subdue and hold long distance trading regions & outposts.
  • We have ZERO indication of how many of either Nephites or Lamanites came from Zarahemla to the final battle. For all we know, they ALL came from desolation or Jordan. In my model scientists are working on figuring this out with dental isotope studies–because the dead bodies are everywhere.
  • The Nephite exodus happened over a period of 50+ year period! Zarahemla to Sherrizah/Boaz 321-370, Boaz to Jordan 5-10 years.. to Cumorah another 8 years (370-374). Want to do the math of how far you’d need to travel each day? (and once again we have no idea how many traveled? Just a few little clues in a couple areas
  • WATER! Like the saints who came from England, the Nephites/Lamanites would have UNDOUBTEDLY used water for transport. In my model their cities are predominantly along water trade hubs (all but about 200 miles of the way) IN FACT, logic suggests that’s why Cumorah was the battle spot. ITS THE END OF THE ROAD (the road being the Mississippi they used their canoes to travel)
  • BEASTS OF BURDAN. Some suggest the Natives couldn’t travel distances like those traveled by peoples and armies in the Old World because they did not have beasts of burden. However, even though there is little to no reliable evidence of horses, Sahagun may suggest they used deer as transport animals (get reference). And Castaneda explains that the plains natives used large dog teams, just like the Eskimos to carry supply slays. In his Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado, Castaneda says “They travel like the Arabs, with their tents and troops of dogs loaded with poles[363][521] and having Moorish pack-saddles with girths” (see Ch.7, p362)
  • NAKED EVEN IN THE COLD. Some suggest that the US region of North America could not be the land spoken of in the Book of Mormon because its too cold for the animal skin loin cloth dress mentioned in Alma 3:5. However Casteneda contradicts this in his Narrative of the Expedition of Coronado, saying that even in the snowy highlands of the Southwest, “the young women in that province went entirely naked, however cold it might be, and… the virgins had to go around this way until they took a husband, and that they covered themselves after they had known man. The men here wear little shirts of tanned deerskin and their long robes over this” (Ch.4, p355). Of those in the south Cabeze De Vaca says “The Indians we had so far seen in Florida are all archers. They go naked, are large of body, and appear at a distance like giants” (Ch.7 p. 33). Speaking of Texas he again says “The inhabitants of all this region go naked. The women alone have any part of their persons covered, and it is with a wool that grows on trees. The damsels dress themselves in deer-skin.” (Ch.15,p.35). In the Northern reaches of the Pecos River near Oklahoma & the Texas panhandle where our city of Jordan is near, De Vaca also describes many of the natives as “entirely naked”, he says “They go entirely naked after the manner of the first we saw. The women are dressed with deer-skin, and some few men, mostly the aged, who are incapable of fighting” (see Ch.30.p.104)
  • TULA in the plains. De Soto says specifically that Tula was not far from Naguatex & The Nadaco which is thought to be in Texas or Oklahoma. He says “hey arrived in the Governor’s presence weeping, after the usage of Tula (thence to the eastward not very distant), when the chief, making his proper obeisance, thus spoke” (Ch.33.p241). The land or city of Tula is mentioned again by De Soto near Paacha & Autiamque. He says, “from thence to Pacaha northwardly, to Tula westwardly, to Autiamque southwardly”. These locations are thought to be in modern Arkansas. (Ch.44.p271)
  • BOATS. One of the best descriptions of the few ‘mega-boats’ built and used by the natives of North America comes from the native guide of the Coronado Expedition who they nick-named ‘Turk’. In Castaneda’s account he quotes Turk saying “in his country there was a river in the level country which was two leagues wide [The Mississippi, which ranges from 1 mile in the dry season to over 11 miles in high run off], in which there were fishes as big as horses, and large numbers of very big canoes, with more than twenty rowers on a side, and that they carried sails, and that their lords sat on the poop under awnings, and on the prow they had a great golden eagle. (see Ch.13.p.314) These boats could have been used for transport of people and supplies during exploration and war travels. Explorer Hernando de Soto seems to verify this in his journey along the Mississippi relating how they were attacked often daily by large numbers of well stocked canoes. In one account he perhaps exaggerates that, “The next day a hundred canoes came together, [some?] having from sixty to seventy persons in them [each], those of the principal men having awnings, and themselves wearing white and colored plumes, for distinction.” Thereafter he explains how the native “canoes were larger than [those of the Spanish],” and from them armies of native people’s relentlessly attacked them. (see Ch.37.p.257)

As far as logistics is concerned, if you’re going one hundred miles, the logistics of going a few thousand is no different. You just do the exact same daily logistical thing, for a much longer period. (which often involves plunder and conscription of local populations.) We have no indication that these final battle armies used advanced roman/Mongol type supply support chains instead of migrate & go techniques.

– WEST AMERICAN DESERTS ARE ONLY TRULY DESOLATE PART OF NORTH AMERCA. In the Continental Model, the names of lands are excellent descriptors of the the ecology. Many Waters, is the part of the continents with the most/largest rivers & water bodies, Desolation, is the part of the continent that is most desolate. Bountiful is the most productive part of Mexico where more than half its population lives. Two Cumorah proponents often suggest that the Land of Desolation, was called such, ONLY because of the ‘Desolation’ or destruction of people. Not because the region was also naturally desolate as far as vegetation goes. This textual uncertainty is caused because of ambiguity in both the definition and the usage in the text. Desolate, can be defined as 1. destitute or deprived of inhabitants; desert; uninhabited, or 2. laid waste; in a ruinous condition. (see 1828 dictionary). Note that Hel 3:6 can be read in two different ways each with different meanings depending on whether you define ‘desolate’. For example.

6 And now no part of the land was desolate [destitute or deprived of inhabitants; desert; uninhabited], save it were for timber; but because of the greatness of the destruction of the people who had before inhabited the land it was called desolate. (Hel 3:6)
6 And now no part of the land was desolate [laid waste; in a ruinous condition], save it were for timber; but because of the greatness of the destruction of the people who had before inhabited the land it was called desolate. (Hel 3:6)

So then the question is, was the Land of Desolation, actually Bountiful when it comes to vegetation, rain, soil & fertility but simply laid waste of people? Or was it BOTH a desert, destitute/deprived of inhabitants; AND laid waste of inhabitants. The text might lead us to believe its only the first case. Except then we must ask ourselves, how is it that in Mosiah 8:11, the Lemhite explorers found that the swords had all rusted and hilts had ‘perished, but the people’s bones had not disintegrated? (see also Alma 22:30) In an area like Teahuantepec we’d have to assume the Jaredite war occurred less than a decade or two before being found by the explorers. Likewise, how is it that the trees had not grown back in Hel 3:9 so that they had to be shipped in from surrounding areas? (Note the region spoken of in Hel 3:4–5 are two different regions, Many Waters, and Desolation

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THESE ARE ALL FAIRLY MINOR ISSUES, AND THE CONTINENTAL MODEL EFFECTIVELY SOLVES MOST ISSUES IN THE OTHER PREDOMINATE MODELS.

The strength of my continental model is how by making this one assertion that narrow neck is different from the most straight foreword reading of the text– the rest of the book really just ends up fitting unbelievably well with basically the buildup and notable collapses of nearly EVERY SINGLE major culture on the continent. From the Adena & Hopewell to the ancient Puebloans/Anasazi, Teotihuacan & Mexican Highland to the Zapotec and Olmec and even archaic and Paleoindian groups.
– If you’d like to contribute to a list of issues, please email them to me. 

See Book of Mormon Geography: An Internal Model

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THINGS STILL TO SOLVE, OR THINGS OTHERS COULD WORK ON.

-The logic between the land of Antionum and Jerusalem. I’m not sure my logic on this is completely solid as the text is a bit ambiguous. There is a small possibility Jerusalem is on the west coast, but I dont think so, but Aaron going on a mission there on the way to Ishmael is interesting. Could antionum be so far south as Palenque? Is there more evidence Chiapa de Corzo is Ishmael?
-Lots of work needs to be done on west mexico.

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A CRITICAL LOOK AT THE VALLEY OF MEXICO AS ‘MANY WATERS’/CUMORAH MODEL

Some have suggested the Valley of Mexico to be the ‘many waters’ of the land Northward, and the
-Chapultepec (his hill Cumorah) is directly west of the ancient lake Texacoco, which doesn’t fit well with the description in Ether 15:8–10 where the army of Coriantumr went south of Ripliancum to Ogath/Cumorah.
-Nor does it work with Omer who “passed by the hill of Shim, and came over by the place where the Nephites were destroyed, and from thence eastward, [to] the seashore” (Ether 9:3). If Moron is on Tehuantepec, why would Omer head to the Valley of Mexico on his way to Ablom? That’s a difference of 200 miles (for the direct route) verses 500 miles to go to the Valley of Mexico first. Why such a huge, strange detour? The text makes it sound like Cumorah was on the way to Ablom on the sea. If this wasn’t the case, wouldn’t the text say? (perhaps he had business to take care of, but the text just doesn’t seem to imply such).
-Add to this the strange indirectness of the path to Desolation and Cumorah during the final battle. As the text has the Nephites fleeing from Zarahemla first to Joshua on the west coast (Mormon 2:6) before then crossing to the M2C Desolation which is always correlated with the Olmec lands on the North Coast of Tehuantepec, and then on to the Valley of Mexico. The text never mentions crossing to the East Sea, but the question is, if the Nephite Land of Desolation is on the east coast, why did the army retreat from Zarahemla to the west coast instead of taking the obviously more direct north routes through Chiapa de Corzo? And why is not a single known ‘east coast’ city mentioned in their retreat? There’s no mention of Nephihah, Mulek or Bountiful? If this geography is correct, these omissions seem strange.
-Really however, these issues pale compared to the archaeological/socio-political issues with this model. Particularly because Teotihuacan and the Valley of Mexico was by far the largest population center and political force on the continent in 300 AD; truly akin to Egypt or Babylon or Rome in the Bible. It seems almost impossible that the Book of Mormon would simply fail to mention such a political power, so most M2C proponents suggest this city was the Lamanite ally ‘Gadiantons’ mentioned in Mormon 1:18 & Mormon 2:27–28. However, this doesn’t make much sense either, because Mormon 2:27 clearly shows the Lamanites & Gadiantons were allies fighting against the Nephites. Yet, Mormon 2:28–29 has a treaty giving the Land Southward to the Lamanites and the Land Northward to the Nephites! “29 And the Lamanites did give unto us the land northward, yea, even to the narrow passage which led into the land southward. And we did give unto the Lamanites all the land southward.” (Mormon 2:29) How does that work? Since its unrealistic to suggest the Nephites beat the Teotihuacan empire with their 40,000 troops, M2C proponents assume that the “us” in this verse is suddenly opposite the Lamanite & Gadianton Alliance mentioned in v. 27, and now the Gadiantons are allied with the Nephites! However, if this were the case, the archaeological evidence suggests there is no way that any Mayan Lamanite force would have been able to beat the Nephites in the final battle! The Cumorah as the Valley of Mexico model tries to overcome the idea of the Maya bringing many tens of thousands of troops into Teotihuacan territory in Veracruz by having Teo..
-So who are the Teotihuacanos? Nephites, Lamanites or Gadiantons? (every one of these have issues). Either way, there is ZERO archaeological evidence of a massive siege and battle on Grasshopper hill. Surely if 230,000 people were holed up on a hill on the edge of such an urban environment they would have fortified it. But if Nephites, wouldn’t the Lamanite army then take over Teotihuacan? And that Lamanite army would have still had to travel 800 miles, likely all on land from the Land of Nephi. If Gadiantons, then why ON EARTH, would the Nephites flee into the belly of their culture?!!

Making Sense of the Numbers of Genesis

Among the greatest stumbling blocks to faith in the Bible are the incredibly long ages of the patriarchs and the chronologies of Genesis 5 and 11 that seem to place the age of the Earth at about 6,000 years ago. The key to understanding the numbers in Genesis is that, in the Mesopotamian world view, numbers could have both real (numerical) and sacred (numerological or symbolic) meaning. The Mesopotamians used a sexagesimal (base 60) system of numbers, and the patriarchal ages in Genesis revolve around the sacred numbers 60 and 7. In addition to Mesopotamian sacred numbers, the preferred numbers 3, 7, 12, and 40 are used in both the Old and New Testaments. To take numbers figuratively does not mean that the Bible is not to be taken literally. It just means that the biblical writer was trying to impart a spiritual or historical truth to the text—one that surpassed the meaning of purely rational numbers. (Taken from a PDF at this link)

Author: Carol A. Hill

One of the greatest stumbling blocks to faith in the Bible has been, and is, the numbers found in Genesis—both the incredibly long ages of the patriarchs and the chronologies of Genesis 5 and 11 that seem to place the age of the Earth at about 6,000 years before present. As stated by Hugh Ross in the Genesis Question: “When readers encounter the long life spans in Genesis, they become convinced that the book is fictional, or legendary at best, whether in part or in whole.”1

Apologists have attempted to explain the long ages in Genesis in various ways.

1. Year-month-season explanation. This theory proposes that perhaps a “year” to the people of the ancient Near East had a different meaning than it does today. Instead of being marked by the orbit of the sun, a “year” then marked the orbit of the moon (a month) or a season (three months). Among the Greeks, years were sometimes called “seasons” (“horoi”), and this explanation of possible one-month or three-month equivalents of a year was mentioned by the ancient authors Pliny and Augustine, among others.2

However, this theory is nonsensical if one looks at the “begotting” ages of the patriarchs. If the ages for Adam and Enoch are divided by twelve (1 year = 1 month), then Adam would have fathered Seth at age eleven and Enoch would have been only five when he fathered Methuselah.3 Enoch’s age (65; Gen. 5:21) divided by four (1 year = 1 season) would result in an age of sixteen, which is biologically possible. But if the same number four is divided into 500— Noah’s age when his first son(s) were born (Gen. 5:32)—then the age of “begetting” would have been 125 years old, another unlikely possibility.

2. Astronomical explanations. Astronomical explanations also have been proposed to explain the incredibly long patriarchal ages. Perhaps the rotation period of the Earth has changed, so that the days then were not equivalent to those we have now. Or, perhaps a supernova could have damaged the Earth’s ozone layer, thus increasing ultraviolet radiation and systematically decreasing the age of humans.4 A problem with such astronomical explanations is that there is no concrete evidence for them. Some scientists have speculated that the transfer of angular momentum from the Earth to the moon over time has resulted in an appreciable increase in the length of a day.5 But this happened very early in Earth’s history—not within the last 10,000 years or less when the patriarchs lived. Similarly, there have been no known supernova explosions within the last 10,000 years that can account for the long ages of the patriarchs and a supposed decrease in the age of humans over time.

3. Tribal, dynasty, or “clan” explanation. Another explanation is that, when the Bible makes a statement like “Adam was the ‘father’ of Seth,” it means that the Adam “clan” had exercised dominion for 130 years (the age of Adam when Seth was born). In this view, Seth would be a direct-line descendent of Adam (grandson, great-grandson, etc.), but not the immediate son of Adam.6 Then, Seth’s “son” descendants would become part of the Seth dynasty or tribe. While this theory might have some merit, as will be described later in the Chronology section (p. 247), it is not in accord with the personal encounters that the “fathers” supposedly had with their “sons”; e.g., Noah was 500 years when his son(s) were born (Gen. 5:32), yet he coexisted with them on the ark (Gen. 7:13).

4. Canopy theory explanation. Other people have tried to explain the long ages of the patriarchs by creating a “different world” for pre-Flood humans. Whitcomb and Morris’ explanation of these long ages fits with their idea of a vapor canopy.7 Before Noah’s Flood this canopy supposedly shielded Earth from harmful radiation so that people could live to a very old age. After the Flood, harmful radiation slowly increased so that the patriarchs’ ages exhibit a slow and steady decline to the biblical life span of 70 years mentioned in Ps. 90:10.

The problem with the canopy theory is that there is not one shred of geologic or physical evidence to support it. In addition, there is no archaeological evidence that substantiates incredibly long ages for people in the past—either in Mesopotamia or anywhere else. It is known that humans living in the Bronze Age (which time span includes most of the patriarchs) had an average life span of about forty years, based on human skeletons and legal documents of the time.8 If infants and children are included in this life-span average, it would be even lower. Examination of skeletons in a number of graves at al’Ubaid (one of the oldest known archaeological sites in Mesopotamia) has indicated that some people lived to be over sixty—a great age at that time.9 A wisdom text from Emar describes the stages of a man’s life as follows: forty as prime, fifty as a short time (in which case he died young), sixty as “wool” (that is, gray hair), seventy as a long time, eighty as old age, and ninety as extreme old age.10

How then can the great ages of the patriarchs and other problematic numbers of Genesis be explained? Does one have to construct a fantastical world based on fantastical ages in order to come up with an adequate explanation? The answer is quite simple—if one considers the “world view” or “mind-set” of the people living in the age of the patriarchs; that is, the Mesopotamians (the people who lived in what is now mostly Iraq) and the Hebrews in Palestine descended from the Mesopotamians. This world view includes both the religious ideas of these people and the numerical system used by them.

The Mesopotamian System of Numbers

The Mesopotamians were the first to develop writing, astronomy, mathematics (algebra and geometry), a calendar, and a system of weights and measures, accounting, and money.11 Even as early as the Ubaid Period (~3800– 5500 BC), Mesopotamian architects were familiar with numerous geometric principles such as 1:2, 1:4, 3:5, 3:4:5 and 5:12:13 triangles for laying out buildings,12 and by ~3000 BC scribes were working with unrealistically large and small numbers.13 The Mesopotamians were the first to arrive at logarithms and exponents from their calculations of compound interest,14 they knew how to solve systems of linear and quadratic equations in two or more unknowns,15 and they calculated the value of pi () to an accuracy of 0.6%.16 The so-called Pythagorean Theorem was invented by the Mesopotamians more than 1,000 years before Pythagoras lived, and was known not only for special cases, but in full generality.17

Sexagesimal Numbers

The mathematical texts of the Sumerians or Babylonians (people who lived in southern Mesopotamia) show that these people were regularly using a sexagesimal numbering system at least by Uruk time (~3100 BC). Along with the numbers sixty and ten on which their combined sexagesimaldecimal system was based, the number six was also used in a special “bi-sexagesimal system.”18 Examples of the Mesopotamian sexagesimal system are still with us today in the form of the 360º circle, with 60-minute degrees and 60-second minutes, and with respect to time, the 60- minute hour and 60-second minute. The Mesopotamians’ sexagesimal basis for time is also reflected in their 360-day (60 x 6) year, where a “13th month” (called iti dirig) was added every sixth year to make up for the days in an actual 365-day solar year.19 A sexagesimal (base 60) system made it possible for the Sumerians to construct a family of nicely interrelated measurement systems, with sequences of naturally occurring standard units that were easy to deal with in computation.20

One disadvantage of the Sumerian numbering system was ambiguity. The Sumerians wrote their system of numbers in cuneiform—a series of wedged marks impressed onto clay tablets. Although the Babylonians had developed the important principle of “position” (place-value notation) in writing numbers, the absolute value of the digits impressed on cuneiform tablets remained a matter of intelligent guesswork.21 Another uncertainty was introduced through the fact that a blank space in a cuneiform text could sometimes mean zero (the Mesopotamians had no symbol for zero).22 In practice, these types of ambiguities were not that serious for Mesopotamian scribes because the order of magnitude and position of the numbers could be realized from the context of the tablet (e.g., whether one was denoting rations of barley, rings of silver, or whatever). However, such contextual ambiguities could have created confusion for later Hebrew biblical scribes who were not familiar with the sexagesimal system and its peculiarities.

Despite the inherent difficulties in the Mesopotamians’ sexagesimal numbering system, these are not considered to be the major problem when it comes to understanding the ages of the patriarchs. The most important consideration in this regard is the Mesopotamians’ concept of sacred numbers.

Sacred Numbers

The Mesopotamians incorporated two concepts of numbers into their world view: (1) numbers could have real values, and (2) numbers could be symbolic descriptions of the sacred. “Real” numbers were used in the everyday administrative and economic matters of accounting and commerce (receipts, loans, allotment of goods, weights and measures, etc.), construction (architecture), military affairs, and taxation. But certain numbers of the sexagesimal system, such as sossos (60), neros (600), and saros (3600) occupied a special place in Babylonian mathematics and astronomy.23 In religion, the major gods of Mesopotamia were assigned numbers according to their position in the divine hierarchy. For example, Anu, the head of the Mesopotamians’ pantheon of gods, was assigned sixty, the most perfect number in the hierarchy. In addition, the Mesopotamians sometimes used numbers cryptographically; e.g., names could have a corresponding numerical value. For example, during the construction of his palace at Khorsubad, Sargon II stated: “I built the circumference of the city wall 16,283 cubits, the number of my name.”24

The sacred numbers used by the Mesopotamians gave a type of religious dignity or respect to important persons or to a literary text … [and] fit into [their] world view of symmetry and harmony.

At least from the late third millennium BC onward, “sacred numbers” were used in religious affairs for gods, kings, or persons of high standing. Just as a name held a special significance to the ancients (e.g., Noah, Gen. 5:29)—beyond its merely being a name—a number could also have meaning in and of itself. That is, the purpose of numbers in ancient religious texts could be numerological rather than numerical. 25 Numerologically, a number’s symbolic value was the basis and purpose for its use, not its secular value in a system of counting. One of the religious considerations of the ancients involved in numbers was to make certain that any numbering scheme worked out numerologically; i.e., that it used, and added up to, the right numbers symbolically. This is distinctively different from a secular use of numbers in which the overriding concern is that numbers add up to the correct total arithmetically. Another way of looking at it is that the sacred numbers used by the Mesopotamians gave a type of religious dignity or respect to important persons or to a literary text.

Sacred numbers also fit into the Mesopotamians’ world view of symmetry and harmony, which was at the core of their meaning of life. It was important to associate one’s life with the right numbers and to avoid wrong numbers that might bring disharmony (kind of like the Chinese concept of Yin and Yang). Symbolic numbers were of highest value in religious texts because they were considered to be the carriers of ultimate truth and reality. And what was the “really big” unit to the Mesopotamians—the number around which their whole mathematical system revolved? It was the number sixty (and to a lesser degree the number ten), or some combination of these two numbers (e.g., 60÷10 = 6; 60 x 10 = 600).26 Because sixty was considered to be the fundamental unit of the sexagesimal system, it is not surprising that it came to be thought of as sacred.

The Mesopotamian-Biblical Connection

Scholars in biblical and Mesopotamian studies have tried over the years to show the common traditions of both cultures, including the creation and flood stories and the numbers contained in Genesis. Stories from the ancient Akkadian (northern Mesopotamia) and Sumerian (southern Mesopotamia) cultures also tell of extraordinarily long life spans of important persons. This is not proof of long life spans, only that the two cultures were connected in their dual concept of sacred and secular numbers, and that people from both cultures were educated in essentially the same mathematical curriculum.27 Similar to the Mesopotamians, the Egyptians had exaggerated “long reigns” for their gods and kings,28 and this seems to have been a common religious tradition for peoples of the ancient Near East. A number of scholars have specifically attempted to mathematically determine a numerical connection between the long time spans in the Sumerian king lists and the long ages of the patriarchs in Genesis,29 but despite these attempts, there still remains no absolute demonstrable relationship between the two besides a superficial similarity.30

What has emerged from such comparative studies, however, is that the concept of numbers has changed over time (Table 1). While the Mesopotamians used a sexagesimal-based system, the Hebrews centuries later were using only a decimal-based system.

A possible scenario for this noted change is: When Abraham left Mesopotamia (Ur) for Palestine, he and his descendants came in contact with other Semitic peoples and the Egyptians who were using the decimal system.31 Thus, gradually the decimal system replaced the sexagesimal system in the Hebrews’ numerical world view as they moved from Mesopotamia to Palestine to Egypt and back to Palestine. Certainly Moses, the author of Genesis, would have used the decimal system, having been raised and educated in Egypt, but perhaps some of the numerological elements of the Mesopotamians’ world view remained in the Hebrew culture even at this time. It seems certain that a sound and really historical chronology had become established in Israel by the time of David (~900 BC), as two hundred or so chronological dates in the books of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles are, with a few exceptions, of remarkable consistency.32 But even then, and long after, preferred or figurative numbers continued to be used throughout both the Old and New Testaments. During the Middle Ages, the concept of “sacred” numbers was lost, and it was not until the discovery and publication of the Babylonian mathematical texts in the second quarter of the twentieth century that the numerological nature of the patriarchal ages was rediscovered.33

This change in the conception of numbers may be the reason for the overall general decrease of patriarchal “begetting” ages and life-spans over time (from 930 years for Adam down to 175 years for Abraham; Table 2). The tendency to use exaggerated sacred numbers decreased after the Hebrews left Mesopotamia and slowly acquired a different numerical world view in Palestine and Egypt. However, in the generally decreasing age trend, there is an enormous jump in the “begetting” age of Noah (Table 2). This may signify an attempt by the biblical writer to favor the more righteous, or those who “stand out” from the rest due to their promi

TABLE 1: How the Concept of Numbers May Have Changed over Time

 

 

The rest of the article can be read here…

The Narrow Neck as Baja and the Sea of Cortez

The narrow neck in the book of mormon

Book of Mormon accounts are always “BY” the narrow neck, never ON the narrow neck.
“Where the sea divides the land”, NOT where the land divides the sea
Narrow Passes are never said to be ON the narrow neck .

NARROW PASSES
34 And it came to pass that [Moroni] did not head [Morianton] until they had come to the borders of the land Desolation; and there they did head them, by the narrow pass which led by the sea into the land northward, yea, by the sea, on the west and on the east. (Alma 50:34)

9 And [Moroni] also sent orders unto [Teancum] that he should fortify the land Bountiful, and secure the narrow pass which led into the land northward, lest the Lamanites should obtain that point and should have power to harass them on every side. (Alma 52:9)

6 And the Nephites and the armies of Moronihah were driven even into the land of Bountiful; 7 And there they did fortify against the Lamanites, from the west sea, even unto the east [sea or mountain?]; it being a day’s journey for a Nephite, on the line which they had fortified and stationed their armies to defend their north country.(Hel 4:6–7)

29 And the Lamanites did give unto us the land northward, yea, even to the narrow passage which led into the land southward. And we did give unto the Lamanites all the land southward. (Mormon 2:29)

5 And it came to pass that I did cause my people that they should gather themselves together at the land Desolation, to a city which was in the borders, by the narrow pass which led into the land southward. 6 And there we did place our armies, that we might stop the armies of the Lamanites, that they might not get possession of any of our lands; therefore we did fortify against them with all our force. (Mormon 3:5–6)

NARROW NECK
5 And it came to pass that Hagoth, he being an exceedingly curious man, therefore he went forth and built him an exceedingly large ship, on the borders of the land Bountiful, by the land Desolation, and launched it forth into the west sea, by the narrow neck which led into the land northward. (Alma 63:5)

30 And it bordered upon the land which they called Desolation, it being so far northward that it came into the land which had been peopled and been destroyed, of whose bones we have spoken, which was discovered by the people of Zarahemla, it being the place of their first landing. 31 And they came from there up into the south wilderness. Thus the land on the northward was called Desolation, and the land on the southward was called Bountiful, it being the wilderness which is filled with all manner of wild animals of every kind, a part of which had come from the land northward for food. 32 And now, it was only the distance of a day and a half’s journey for a Nephite, on the line Bountiful and the land Desolation, from the east to the west sea; and thus the land of Nephi and the land of Zarahemla were nearly surrounded by water, there being a small neck of land between the land northward and the land southward. 33 And it came to pass that the Nephites had inhabited the land Bountiful, even from the east unto the west sea, and thus the Nephites in their wisdom, with their guards and their armies, had hemmed in the Lamanites on the south, that thereby they should have no more possession on the north, that they might not overrun the land northward. (Alma 22:32–33)

19 …And in the days of Lib the poisonous serpents were destroyed. Wherefore they did go into the land southward, to hunt food for the people of the land, for the land was covered with animals of the forest. And Lib also himself became a great hunter. 20 And they built a great city by the narrow neck of land, by the place where the sea divides the land. 21 And they did preserve the land southward for a wilderness, to get game. And the whole face of the land northward was covered with inhabitants. (Ether 10:20–21)

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Overview

I believe many of the best correlations between the Book of Mormon’s internal geography and modern archaeological findings have been missed or passed over by Book of Mormon geographers almost exclusively because of misunderstandings surrounding the ‘Narrow Neck of Land’ mentioned in the text. Although it’s easy to see how the language of Alma 22 may give the impression that the ‘narrow passes’ mentioned in the Book of Mormon are ON the narrow neck which an isthmus separating the Land Northward & Southward– a close examination of the text allows for a different unique interpretation. In this article, we’ll go through each verse relating to the Book of Mormon narrow neck to make a case that it is actually the Baja California peninsula, which in ancient times, and even among early Spanish authors, served as the predominate geographic delineator between the inhabitants of the ‘Bountiful’ and ‘Desolate’ narrow passes of Sinaloa and Sonora west Mexico. Much the same way as the Rio Grande river and Sonoran desert serves as the main delineator between the United States and Mexico in our day. Following are just a few of the reasons why a correlation between the narrow neck and the Baja peninsula seem to be the best fit to the text.

  1. Joseph Smith seems to have believed that the land of Desolation was the desert Southwest & Eastern plains areas of the United States with Bountiful & Zarahemla in Meso/Central America (see this article). Since Desolation bordered the narrow neck, ONLY a Baja Narrow Neck can makes his model work!
  2. Not a single occurrence in the Book of Mormon is said to happen ON the narrow neck. Instead all mentions of it are in regard to being BY the narrow neck. (see Alma 50:34, Alma 63:5, Mormon 3:5–6, Ether 10:20). Not a SINGLE verse in the Book of Mormon references Bountiful or Desolation as being ON the Narrow Neck, which we would expect if traditional Tehuantepec models were correct.
  3. The language in Ether 10:20 (and possibly Alma 63:5) seems to suggest a large inlet or gulf of the sea “which divides the land”, and “leads into the land northward”, NOT necessarily an isthmus of land which divides the sea and leads to the land northward.
  4. The given widths of the ‘narrow passes’ mentioned in the Book of Mormon are FAR less than any Mesoamerican Isthmuses. (because of this, traditional Tehantepec models also suggest that the ‘narrow passes’ are not the same as the ‘narrow neck’, but coastal passes on or near it. (Alma 50:34, Alma 52:9, Alma 63:5, Mormon 2&3)
  5. None of these passes are said to go from ‘the east sea to west sea’. And none are actually mentioned in conjunction with a ‘narrow neck’. Instead, the one north of the city of Bountiful sounds like a spitbar or something extremely narrow with ocean “on the east and on the west” (Alma 50:34), and the other specifies that it goes only from the ‘east unto the west sea‘.
  6. If the ‘narrow pass’ of Alma 52:9 were an isthmus north of Zarahemla, then the statement regarding fortifying a short section or line of it so the Lamanites cant “harass Zarahemla on every side”‘ makes little sense. It makes far better sense as a narrow coastal pass which is in-line with Zarahemla such as the Xalapa pass of Veracruz, directly east of my model’s Zarahemla.
  7. If the narrow neck were an isthmus, it seems strange that the city of Bountiful or any other east coast city south of the east narrow pass of Alma 52:9 are not mentioned in regard to Nephite retreat and final battles of Mormon chapters 1-7.
  8. By far, the best archaeological correlation for the truly urban portrayal of the land of Zarahemla in Book of Mormon times (200 BC to 300 AD) is the Teotihuacan/Cholula area of the Mexican highland. But this region is largely ignored by Book of Mormon geographers because it is NORTH of Mesoamerica’s isthmuses. (see this interview of Michael Coe on Book of Mormon urbanization here)
  9. Early Mesoamerican historians like Ixlilxochitl and other Toltec historians also often mention ancient travel along an “arm of the sea” when describing the Toltec journey from their Land Northward (North America?) to their land Southward (Valley of Mexico). Their descriptions of Baja and the West Mexico Corridor of Xalisco, sound a lot like the Book of Mormon’s Narrow Neck of sea.

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Joseph Smith on the Land of Desolation

On two, and possibly three occurrences, Joseph Smith is directly quoted by a first hand source as stating that the Book of Mormon Land of Desolation extended from the desert Southwest to the Great Plains of North America. This region is of course, one of the more obvious geographical candidates for a region where the text claims the people “did dwell in tents [teepees/wigwams], and in houses of cement [adobe/rock]” because it was one of the only North America desolate desert regions especially having “but little timber” (Hel 3:6–9). It also happens to be directly north of Mexico’s most ‘Bountiful’ population corridor which stretches from Guadalajara through Mexico City to Vera Cruz where more than half of Mexico’s population lives.

Although of late recounting, Mosiah Hancock gives a first hand account of Joseph Smith saying,

The next day the Prophet came to our home [and said,] ‘Now’, he said, ‘I will show you the travels of this people’. ‘You will build cities to the North and to the South’… ‘and you will have to go to where the Nephites lost their power… Placing his finger on the map, I should think about where Snowflake, Arizona is situated, or it could have been Mexico, he said.’ (Mosiah Hancock, Autobiography, 1834-1865 BYU Special Collections, full account available here. Original)

Levi Hancock, early friend of Joseph, member of Seventy and Council of fifty quotes Joseph Smith as saying to member of Zions Camp that the land of Desolation extended into the Great Plains.

Joseph Smith addressing himself to Sylvester Smith and said, “This is what I told you and now I want to tell you that you may know what I meant. This land [of western Missouri] was called the land of desolation and Onedages was the King and a good man was he. There in that mound did he bury his dead (Autobiography of Levi Hancock (1803-1882), pg. 27 – emphasis added. Original)

Both these quotes fall in line with Joseph’s well known support of a continental model for the Book of Mormon. But since the Book of Mormon clearly states that the Land of Desolation bordered the narrow neck, ONLY a Baja Narrow Neck can makes his model work! (see Alma 22:32–33, Alma 50:34, Alma 63:5)

Nothing in the Book of Mormon actually happens ON the Narrow Neck

It’s somewhat odd that in all the Book of Mormon accounts of occurrences in the Land of Desolation of things happening in association with the ‘narrow neck’, nothing ever happens ON the narrow neck. Instead its always explained as occurring BY the narrow neck. (Likewise the Narrow Passes are never said to be ON the Narrow Neck, but instead only BY it.)

Take Ether 10:20–21 for instance. Many Mesoamerican models attempt to equate the Jaredites almost exclusively with Olmecs living on the isthmus of Tehuantepec. But note the wording of the text for the Jaredite Narrow Neck spoken of in conjunction with Lib’s city. It isn’t built ON the narrow neck of land, but BY the narrow neck of land, BY a place where the sea divides or cuts into the land. (suggesting some kind of deep bay or inlet). And remember, the Jaredite heartland of Moron was said to be near (not on or in) “the land which is called Desolation by the Nephites” (Ether 7:6). It’s not in Bountiful or Desolation, but near Desolation, and Lib’s city is mentioned as if it’s a newly colonized area.

20 And [Lib and his people] built a great city by the narrow neck of land, by the place where the sea divides the land (Ether 10:20)

Does that wording really sound like an isthmus? Or does it sound more like the ‘narrow neck of land’ a geographic identifier representing a truly narrow neck of land / sea inlet like the Sea of Cortez & Baja Peninsula? This reading makes even more sense when we apply it to Alma 63:5 where Hagoth is said to build and launch his boat BY the Narrow Neck and yet still in the borderland of Bountiful near the Land Desolation.

5 …therefore [Haggoth] went forth and built him an exceedingly large ship, on the borders of the land Bountiful, by the land Desolation, and launched it forth into the west sea, by the narrow neck [of sea or land?] which led into the land northward. (Alma:63:5)

Again it’s unclear whether the Narrow Neck here is referring to a narrow neck of ‘land’, as in Ether 10, or a narrow neck of sea, which would actually make more sense given the context of Haggoth launching his boat.

Either way this makes little sense in relation to an isthmus like Tehuantepec, as launching south of it into the West Sea (Pacific) does not really provide much of a shortcut into the ‘land northward’ which is said to be an ‘exceedingly far distance’ and have large bodies of water and homes made of cement for lack of trees (Hel 3:4–11). It does however make a lot of sense if this is talking about the same ‘place where the water divides (cuts into) the land’ of Ether, which provides a travel corridor to take people from the mouth of the Rio Grande de Santiago in West Mexico, up the sea of Coretz to the Colorado River and into the Arizona, New Mexico, Sonora and all the regions of the ancient Puebloan people in the Desert Southwest.

The ‘Narrow Passes’ don’t go from sea to sea and are NEVER said to be ON the Narrow Neck

It’s also interesting to notice that most the time when Mormon speaks of the entire width of the land or region he lived on, he usually uses the descriptive phrase “from east sea to the west sea

-“divided from the land of Zarahemla by a narrow strip of wilderness, which ran from the sea east even to the sea west…” (Alma 22:27)
-“cover the face of the whole earth, from the sea south to the sea north, from the sea west to the sea east…” (Hel 3:8)

But when he refers to Desolation or Bountiful on the Book of Mormon’s “Narrow Neck”, he only specifically mentions ONE sea. Almost like the ancient author might THINK it’s an isthmus of sorts, but tries to stick to the wording of the maps & texts he’s copying which NEVER clearly say “from the east sea to the west sea” as they did with other parts of the land. Instead its always explained in terms of a pass on only one sea, with an ambiguous reference to the other.

-“distance of a day and a half’s journey for a Nephite, on the line Bountiful and the land Desolation, from the east to the west sea…” (Alma 22:32)
-“fortify against the Lamanites, from the west sea, even unto the east; it being a day’s journey for a Nephite, on the line which they had fortified…” (Hel 4:7)

The Eastern ‘pass’ in particular sounds as though it’s more complex than often thought. In Alma 34, a land border dispute between the people of the lands of Lehi & Morianton leads to the people of Morianton’s flight from the southern East Coast to the Land Northward. Although we don’t know how far the people of Morianton made it on their flight northward, we are told that a Nephite army “stops their flight… by the narrow pass which led by the sea… on the west and on the east”. A peculiar wording that seems to suggest an very narrow pass like a passable spit bar or something extremely thin with obvious and visible sea on both the east and west.

34 And it came to pass that they did not head them until they had come to the borders of the land Desolation; and there they did head them, by the narrow pass which led by the sea into the land northward, yea, by the sea, on the west and on the east. (Alma 50:34)

or

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The width of the ‘Narrow Passes’ are FAR less than Mesoamerican Isthmuses

Note that in the two examples of distances given in the Book of Mormon for the width of these passes we have a day or day and a half’s journey. Much as in the works of early Spanish codices transcribers like Ixlilxochitl, distances are always expressed in days instead of linear measurements. And although some debate exists on the distance of a day’s journey, Ixlilxochitl and most scholars place it at around 15 miles. Compare then the day and a half’s journey of Alma 22:32 and the days journey of Hel 4:6–7 (15-27 miles) to the shortest distances across Isthmuses like Tehuantepec (125 miles) or the Isthmus of Guatemala (160 miles) or even the narrowest part of the Isthmus of Darian in Panama (36 miles) and we see the problem with associating the Narrow Neck with these locations.

Even if we suggest the ‘defensive lines of Hel 4:6–7 and Alma 22:32 are simply fortified passes ON the Narrow Neck or Isthmus we still run into a MAJOR problem in all these locations, as NONE of them have defined narrow coastal passes on both sides which are 15-27 miles wide! The Northern coastal plain of Tehuantepec for instance is 50-60 miles wide! (Putting aside the fact that Tehuantepec’s passes face north and south, not east and west as the text suggests.

A place that DOES have easily fortifiable narrow coastal passes which span between the sea and steep mountain chains is northwest and northeast Mexico between the Sierra Madre Occidental, Oriental and the sea. These passes also lie directly north of Mexico’s most agriculturally ‘bountiful’ and populated region and directly south of the Sonoran desert where the landscape turns ‘desolate’, and where Joseph Smith said the land of desolation was!

In my continental model, rather than being oddities, each of these phrases end up being a truly specific description of different aspects of the ‘narrow neck’ area, which I interpret as Baja California, the Gulf of Baja or Sea of Cortez, and the narrow coastal passes between the Sierra Madre Occidental and Oriental and the east and west seas. This interpretation comes not only because it matches perfectly with the archaeology, and is really the only way to make a continental model of Book of Mormon lands which matches with both the text and early LDS prophetic statements. But also from noticing the overwhelming inclusion of the sea of Cortez in the histories and mythologies of the Aztec and other Mesoamerican cultures in the writings of early Aztec/Spanish historians like Ixlilxochtl.

In Modern times we separate the two regions of North America & Mesoamerica by the U.S./Mexican Border and the desolate central Mapimi depression/Chihuahua Desert of North Mexico. However, in both colonial and Book of Mormon times, when nearly all travel was along the West Mexico Coast, the two perhaps were colloquially separated in the minds of natives by Baja and the narrow neck of sea (the sea of Cortez & Baja), which ran parallel to a large desolate region of deserts (desolation).

Most Mesoamerican isthmuses are much, much wider than the passes or defensive lines spoken of in the Book of Mormon. Moreover, they are all south of Mesoamerica’s main pre-classic population center of the Valley of Mexico.

34 And it came to pass that they did not head them until they had come to the borders of the land Desolation; and there they did head them, by the narrow pass which led by the sea into the land northward, yea, by the sea, on the west and on the east. (Alma 50:34)

9 And he also sent orders unto him that he should fortify the land Bountiful, and secure the narrow pass which led into the land northward, lest the Lamanites should obtain that point and should have power to harass them on every side. (Alma 52:9)

5 And it came to pass that Hagoth, he being an exceedingly curious man, therefore he went forth and built him an exceedingly large ship, on the borders of the land Bountiful, by the land Desolation, and launched it forth into the west sea, by the narrow neck which led into the land northward. (Alma 63:5)

6 And the Nephites and the armies of Moronihah were driven even into the land of Bountiful;
7 And there they did fortify against the Lamanites, from the west sea, even unto the east; it being a day’s journey for a Nephite, on the line which they had fortified and stationed their armies to defend their north country.(Hel 4:6–7)

29 And the Lamanites did give unto us the land northward, yea, even to the narrow passage which led into the land southward. And we did give unto the Lamanites all the land southward. (Mormon 2:29)

5 And it came to pass that I did cause my people that they should gather themselves together at the land Desolation, to a city which was in the borders, by the narrow pass which led into the land southward.
6 And there we did place our armies, that we might stop the armies of the Lamanites, that they might not get possession of any of our lands; therefore we did fortify against them with all our force. (Mormon 3:5–6)

30 And it bordered upon the land which they called Desolation, it being so far northward that it came into the land which had been peopled and been destroyed, of whose bones we have spoken, which was discovered by the people of Zarahemla, it being the place of their first landing.
31 And they came from there up into the south wilderness. Thus the land on the northward was called Desolation, and the land on the southward was called Bountiful, it being the wilderness which is filled with all manner of wild animals of every kind, a part of which had come from the land northward for food.
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2 And now, it was only the distance of a day and a half’s journey for a Nephite, on the line Bountiful and the land Desolation, from the east to the west sea; and thus the land of Nephi and the land of Zarahemla were nearly surrounded by water, there being a small neck of land between the land northward and the land southward.
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3 And it came to pass that the Nephites had inhabited the land Bountiful, even from the east unto the west sea, and thus the Nephites in their wisdom, with their guards and their armies, had hemmed in the Lamanites on the south, that thereby they should have no more possession on the north, that they might not overrun the land northward. (Alma 22:32–33)

19 …And in the days of Lib the poisonous serpents were destroyed. Wherefore they did go into the land southward, to hunt food for the people of the land, for the land was covered with animals of the forest. And Lib also himself became a great hunter.
20 And they built a great city by the narrow neck of land, by the place where the sea divides the land.
21 And they did preserve the land southward for a wilderness, to get game. And the whole face of the land northward was covered with inhabitants. (Ether 10:20–21)

Another possibility: Mormon’s culture believing there to be a ‘Narrow Neck’ in North Mexico

In addition to the above reasoning it seems quite likely that ancient Mesoamericans had a different view of their continents geography than we do. A study of ancient maps and geographies shows that modern LDS Scholars have expected too much from ancient Book of Mormon authors by supposing pre-Columbian cultures had a truly advanced modern-like or google earth understanding of continental geography and shorelines. Indeed, although many ancients understood well the spatial relationships for populated lands & cities, or populated places often traveled, the detailed understanding of uninhabited wildernesses and far-off continental shorelines seems to have been very poor anciently. Especially among cultures without widespread use of nautical navigation technology. And our only indication in both the Book of Mormon text and early Colonial accounts is the wide spread use of Mexico’s west coast to travel between central Mexico and North America (perhaps because of contrary currents and frequent hurricanes which were so dangerous and common on the east coast?)

Many Native American tribes called North America, ‘Turtle Island’ based on a popular mythological story. But its possible this paradigm reflected on the way many native American’s saw North America and its features.
Aztec map, Codex Xolotl showing the spatial relationships of the Valley of Mexico juxtaposed against the Sebastian Munster map (1448-1552): Novae Insulae XXVI Nova Tabula (1540) [Rare 2nd State of first map of the continent of America]. Each are examples of the rudimentary spatial relationships inherent in pre-modern geographers views of the world. See high quality versions here and here. See also this map.
To see a full catalogue of known Mesoamerican cartographic or map representations read "Mesoamerican Cartography" by Barbara Mundy or "The origins and development of the cartographic tradition in the central Mexican highlands" by Chris Helmke

Is Pánuco a Huestec Word for Bountiful?

Our model proposes that much like Sabastian Munster’s early map of the New World (featured above), Book of Mormon authors may have thought there to be another ‘narrow neck’ between the narrow coastal ‘passes’ of Northern Mexico. A misunderstanding likely caused by a belief that the Eastern and Western Sierra Madre mountain ranges were one and the same range. An easy mistake to make given their lack of travel through the nearly impenetrable and uninhabited Mapimi Basin of the Chihuahua Desert. Indeed historical texts show that essentially ALL ancient travel & trade, occurred along the ‘narrow passes’ between the coasts and the steep mountain ranges, with only a few sparsely inhabited mining communities existing in the Deserts of the northern interior.

This seems to have been the belief of the earliest Spanish explorers, likely as suggested to them by their guides. In fact Nuño de Guzmán, one of the first Spanish conquistadors named one of his early west coast cities ‘Pánuco’, naming it after the city with the same name on the east coast! He also founded a Panuco in Durango and another in Zacatecas. Apparently, he had thought the region to be much narrower and named the cities after a conceived coast-to-coast’ region exactly as I propose the Book of Mormon people’s did!

Guzmán was an able and even brilliant lawyer, a man of great energy and firmness, but insatiably ambitious.. he served successively as governor of Pánuco [Sinaloa] (Ibarra, p.22)

… and conceived the idea of ​​extending his conquests to the province of Púnuco [Veracruz] and forming a kingdom extended from coast to coast, from the Gulf of Mexico to the South Sea [Pacific Ocean], which would completely border the New Spain of Hernán Cortés; however, the exploration of Gonzalo López showed that for the moment this project was not feasible… Gonzalo López, crossed the mountain range and reached the northern plateau in the territories of what is now Durango, but, according to the stories, he only found uninhabited lands and “wild” Indians fleeing from the passing of the Spanish… (The conquests of Nuno de Guzman, 1999, Fideicomiso, Historia de las Americas)

In my research I haven’t been able to find any reliable etymology for the name Pánuco (sometimes spelled Pánuco in old texts). But if most Mexican cities and geographic features are either named after Spanish cities or surnames or are transliterations of native words, and Pánuco is NOT a Spanish city or surname. Leaving me to speculate whether Guzman or Ibarra got both the name and idea of Pánuco running sea to sea from the natives!

[add illustration here with location of the four sea-to-sea cities of Panuco on a map, with river Panuco]
Book of Mormon Geography
Illustration depicting the actual geography of North America versus what the ancient authors of the Book of Mormon may have thought the geography looked like
Even this map from 1713 proves my point that explorers and map makers consistently confused the East & West Sierra Madre Range to be ONE RANGE. Vander Aa draws the Panuco river extending all the way to Sonora & the Sierra Madre Oriental. From Contenant Les Principales cartes géographiques. Leiden, P. Van der Aa. (1713)
Another old map from 1570 with the Panuco River & province crossing all the way across central Mexico, showing yet again the inability of explorers and map makers to know about the interior of the Balsas Basin. Note also how distorted many other features are, allowing one to imagine how natives without the star chart technology of the Spanish might have imagined shorelines wrongly.

A few more examples of ancient maps, and how even among people’s with advanced writing and sea trade, knowledge of coastal geometries was rudimentary. Especially concerning areas where few lived or traveled.

Map of Ariana based on Eratosthenes' data (195 BC) in Strabo's Geography ( 63 BC – c. 24 AD)
Map of Ariana based on Eratosthenes’ data (195 BC) in Strabo’s Geography ( 63 BC – c. 24 AD)

The Turin Papyrus Map is an ancient Egyptian map, generally considered the oldest surviving map of topographical interest from the ancient world. It is drawn on a papyrus reportedly discovered at Deir el-Medina in Thebes. The map shows a 15-kilometre stretch of Wadi Hammamat and has depictions of this wadi’s confluence with wadis Atalla and el-Sid, the surrounding hills. The map contradicts the Sorenson model hypothesis which suggests that Egyptians has a coordinate system rotated 90 degrees.

Old antique map of Africa by S. Munster | Sanderus Antique Maps Old antique map of AFRICA showing: AMMON (IN LIBYA) MELLI: Latin- flowing with honey Mono Giant:

Surrounded by Water

Interestingly, the native word for the mexican highland and particularly the narrow highland of west-central mexico or valley of Mexico could actually be related to the concept spoken of in Alma 22:32 where it states, “…and thus the land of Nephi and the land of Zarahemla were nearly surrounded by water, there being a small neck of land between the land northward and the land southward.”

Although often translated as “close to water” or “next to water” and referring solely to the Valley of Mexico, when preceded by ‘Cem’ Ānáhuac is also thought to mean, “surrounded by water”. Cem Ānáhuac is a composed náhuatl name, consisting of the words “cem” (totally) and “Ānáhuac”, in turn a composed word from “atl” (water) and “nahuac”, a location prefix that can also mean “surrounded “. The name can then literally be translated as “land completely surrounded by water “, or “[the] whole of [what is] beside the waters”. See wikipedia links in text above and the Nahuatl dictionary for details.

Codex Quetzalecatzin, in the Jay I. Kislak Collection of the Archaeology of the Early Americas at the Library of Congress. The map covers an area between Mexico City and Puebla. With Nahuatl stylised graphics and hieroglyphs, it illustrates the family’s genealogy and their descent from Lord-11 Quetzalecatzin, who in 1480, was the major political leader of the region. It is from him the Codex derives one of its many names’. The document dates to between 1570 to 1595 and would have been made by an indigenous painter and scribe. See this link for more codice maps.

The Mapa de Teozacoalco, painted on twenty-three sheets of European paper pasted together at their edges, contains indigenous pictorial styles, but shows some European influence. The landscape, for instance, is dotted with new Christian churches. Roads show not only human footprints but also horseshoe prints. Emphasis resides in the history of Teozacoalco, with information about a tenth-century ruling family, and subsequent genealogy through the sixteenth century. The circular shape is worthy of special attention. The circle includes 46 glyphic placenames on the community’s territorial boundaries. The extra curve with glyphic placenames refers to an earlier set of boundaries. Alfonso Caso published a small book-length study of this pictorial map (1949, 1992), and Stephen L. Whittington has also published “The Mapa de Teozacoalco: An Early Colonial Guide to a Municipality in Oaxaca,” in The Society for American Archaeology (SAA) Archaeological Record 3:4 (2003), 20–22, and a report on the FAMSI website (http://www.famsi.org/reports/01032/section01.htm). Some of the information in this introduction comes from Barbara E. Mundy, “Mesoamerican Cartography.” In: The History of Cartography, vol. 2.3, David Woodward and G. Malcolm Lewis, eds. 183–256. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1998. The lead scholar on this close study of the Mapa de Teozacualco is Bas van Doesburg. (Stephanie Wood)

Mapa de Teozacualco from the Mixtec community of San Pedro Teozacoalco, in the modern state of Oaxaca. Example of a Mixtec Map.

Note the words of Eugene Bolten in his book, Spanish exploration in the Southwest, 1542-1706. Where he notes it was not until at least 1687 that the Spanish fully prove Baja California was a Peninsula and not an island.

Arriving at his destination in 1687, [Father Kino] at once established the mission of Nuestra Senora de los Dolores… over a hundred miles south of Tucson. This mission was his headquarters for twenty- four years of exploration, missionary work, and writing. several times explored the Gila River; and in an attempt to answer the old question whether Califomia was an island or a peninsula…This inquiry was one of the chief interests of the last eleven years of his life, and, as a result of his explorations, he answered it to his own satisfaction in a treatise, as yet unpublished, I believe, which he called ” Cosmographical Demonstration that Califomia is not an Island but a Peninsula, and that it is continuous with this New Spain, the Gulf of Califomia ending in latitude thirty-five degrees

Spanish exploration in the Southwest, 1542-1706, Herber Eugene Bolton.

In this same book nearly the exact same language used in the Book of Mormon is used to describe the Baja California Peninsula.

This enterprise failing, [Father Kino] returned to Mexico and secured permission to work on the mainland opposite the Peninsula, [ie. by the narrow neck] which he had visited while in California. His request was that he might work among the Guaymas and Seris, but he was sent to Pimerfa Alta instead. (ibid)

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The Uninhabited Zone (and Camino Real Misunderstandings)

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The ancient “Camino Real de Tierra Adentro” did NOT extend to Mexico city. This is a myth propagated by Wikipedia and some badly researched articles & maps. That route was only established as a major thoroughfare and used by the Spanish AFTER the railroad came in the 1800s. ALL known accounts of the earliest native or Spanish travelers went along the coast through Chametla, Culiacán and Mochicahui. Interior cities (mines) like Durango and Santa Barbara were reached from the coast. The mines, many which were discovered and founded in the sixteenth century, were serviced by roads coming through the Sierra Mountains and to the coast, NOT through the interior to New Mexico or Mexico City. If you’ve ever driven the interior road, you know why. There are too many long stints in the interior with literally ZERO water. Thats why there’s not a single significant archaeological site in the interior spanning from Mochicahui/La Ferreria to the Cuarenta Casas/Paquime area. Cortez, Coranado, & Frey Macos, de Iberra, they ALL traveled along the coast. The interior route was impassible until Spanish deep-well technology could establish ‘paraje’ stations. This is most obvious by just comparing the ‘founding date’ of coastal regional centers like Culiacán (founded in 1531) to inland cities along the current inland highway like Chihuahua (founded 1709) or Torreón (founded in 1893).

Red outlines show Mexico's huge closed basins (endorheic basins). These large, sparsely inhabited, desert regions have no outlet to the sea, and drain internally into large ephemeral lakes and desert playas. Settlement and travel through these regions seems to have been extremely rare anciently.

Red outlines show Mexico’s huge closed basins (endorheic basins). These large, sparsely inhabited, desert regions have no outlet to the sea, and drain internally into large ephemeral lakes and desert playas. Settlement and travel through these regions seems to have been extremely rare anciently.

 

Verse by Verse Analysis To References of the Narrow Neck

The Narrow neck, pass or defensive line mentioned as one of the most prominent geographic features of the Book of Mormon has proved to be incredibly enigmatic.  Far greater than the problems of King James Isaiah, Pauline language parallelisms, anachronistic metals or European animals in the Book of Mormon (which can generally be explained by proposing differing manners of dynamic equivalence translation and channeling processes), the narrow neck problem can almost seem insurmountable. Attempts to correlation the Panama Isthmus with the Book of Mormon gain few supporters for reasons that have been described elsewhere (ref). Perhaps the most supported theory of correlating the Isthmus of Tehuantepec with the Book of Mormon’s “narrow pass” has its own difficulties. Foremost of these is the fact that this model forces both the Nephite and Lamanite lands to be in historical Mayan territories. In these model’s Zarahemla (and the entire Nephite culture) are correlated with mundane Mayan cities which bear essentially no early cultural differences from their surrounding peoples (Lamanites)! Additionally these models require the Jaredites (Olmec) to pass writing to the Lehites (Maya) instead of the other way around as described in the Book of Mormon text. The political and religious dominance of the Epi-olmec and Mexican Highland cultures spanning from the formative to the classic are a far better match (and perhaps the only truly plausible match) with what the Book of Mormon narrative depicts of the Nephite/Lamanite religious and political rivalry..

Reference wording sea west mentioned? sea east mentioned? days jour-ney directional indicators
Alma 22:32–33 “small neck of land” or “the line Bountiful” yes possibly 1.5 from the east to the west sea
Alma 50:34 “the narrow pass” yes separately   by the sea, on the west and on the east
Alma 52:9 “the narrow pass”   no    
Alma 63:5 “the narrow neck” yes no   the west sea
Hel 4:6–7 “the line” yes possibly 1 from the west sea, even unto the east
Mormon 2:29 “the narrow passage”   no    
Mormon 3:5–6 “the narrow pass”   no    
           
Ether 10:20–21 “narrow neck of land” inferred inferred   place where the sea divides the land

Available literature in Joseph Smith’s day clearly called the Isthmus of Panama a “narrow neck” (see here for instance), But also, made clear that its distance was more than the “day” (ref) or “day and a half” (ref) mentioned in the Book of Mormon.  its curious then that if Joseph or some contemporary wrote the Book of Mormon, they would represent the geography SO horribly.    Letter from Balboa dated January 20, 1513. “The Indians state there is another ocean 3 days journey from here… they say the other ocean is very suitable for canoe traveling is always calm…”  (reference here)

This map from 1566 is one of the oldest printed maps of North America. Created by Paolo Forlani, the first edition was published in 1565. This second edition was published by Venetian Bolognino Zaltieri after Forlani sold the plate to him. This is one of the first maps to show the Bering Strait - here called the Strait of Anian. It was an educated guess, as it was not discovered until 1648. The map was bought by the Bartholomew family, who collected antique maps

This map from 1566 is one of the oldest printed maps of North America. Created by Paolo Forlani, the first edition was published in 1565. This is one of the first maps to show the Bering Strait – here called the Strait of Anian. It was an educated guess, as it was not discovered until 1648. Like many ancient maps, the geography is a very rough rendition of the true landscape. High quality version available here.

1569 Camocio Map. Several maps associate tolm or ‘tollan’ with Teguayo. Tolm is generally found in the present-day U.S. Southwest on 1500s-1600s era maps. Several maps, including the 1569 Camocio map, show its full spelling as Tolman, which is likely a variation of the Toltec homeland ‘tollan’. See here and here for a similar but higher quality version.

Map made by Italian Jesuit Giulio Aleni while he was working as a missionary in 1620s China

1620s Wanguo Quantu map, by Giulio Aleni, whose Chinese name (艾儒略) appears in the signature in the last column on the left, above the Jesuit IHS symbol.

1609 Shanhai Yudi Quantu (not by Ricci)

1728 Barreiro Map This is the oldest post-Columbian map which depicts the four migration points of ancient Mexican Indians found in later maps. Some sources also point to this region as a former home for people from Central and South America. See here for an ultra high quality version.

 


Map available to Joseph Smith in the early 1800's, done by John Carry, in 1811.

Map available to Joseph Smith in the early 1800’s, done by John Carry, in 1811.

SEE SEVERAL MORE HIGH QUALITY EARLY MAPS OF MEXICO AND THE AMERICAS HERE.

Xochicalco Stela, Padilla Plates & Reformed Egyptian in Archaeological Findings

Is there any evidence that supports the statements both in the Book of Mormon and by the Prophet Joseph Smith that these ancient Book of Mormon people wrote in the above-copied characters, called by the Nephites, “reformed Egyptian”?

Over 120 years later, these Archaeological discoveries provides evidence that yes indeed, these ancient people did write in the same characters as copied by Joseph Smith off of the Book of Mormon plates.

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A stone called the “lock” was found “…in the late 1950’s … in an ‘unofficial’ excavation of a tomb…” “in a cave, where it marked a grave”, southwest of the Rio Verde, in the area of San Pedro Amuzgos, where it borders on the state of Guerrero, Mexico. (Jerry L. Ainsworth, The Lives & travels of Mormon & Moroni, by p. 22-23, & 25)

The ‘Lock’ is an archaeological artifact showcasing reformed Egyptian writing.

Another example of this ancient writing is found in the Xochicalco Stela, reportedly found near the Mesoamerican site of Xochicalco, located just southwest of Cuernavaca and the Balsas Basin in the state of Morelos. The Stela is inscribed on two sides. One side is a well attested Olmeca-Xicalanca/ Mayan art motif similar to other art motifs at Xochicalco and Cacaxtla which are both thought to be 6th-9th Olmeca-Xicalanca trade cities or outposts near the Mexican Highland.

Jerry L. Ainsworth standing by the Xochicalco stela stone. “Reformed Egyption” carved on this “8 inches thick” by about 5’ 5” tall, Xochicalco stela stone. Found by Dr. Jesus Padilla Orozco, in the 1950’s. (enlarged – from supportingevidences.net)

Other stelas taken from Xochicalco (currently housed in front of the Museum). These stelae are evidence of Teotihuacano and Zapotec influence and were found within the private temple that sits on top of the Pyramid of the Stelae. The stelae were uncovered during excavations in 1960-61 and had were painted red, deliberately broken and buried at the centre of the temple in antiquity – an act that is thought to represent the killing of the statues. They are listed as Stelae 1, 2 and 3 and are now housed at the Museo Nacional de Antropologia in Mexico City. The first Stelae is believed to tell the story of Quetzalcoatl’s transfiguration into the Morning Star, followed by his journey across the sky to visit the Pyramid of the Plumed Serpent, which is pictured on the back, followed by his descent into the underworld – it is principally the story of the 260 day transit of Venus across the celestial sphere as the Morning Star

Certain elements in the second of the Stelea closely resemble the stelae of Quirigua, a town situated on the south-eastern border of Mesoamerica. There, a pair of stelae erected in the 8th century combine with a zoomorphic altar to tell the story of creation and the binding of three stones at the beginning of the Mayan fourth-sun. See more information on these Stelae and their resemblance to Quirigua in this article.

The Padilla Plates

The ‘Padilla plates’, which have been dismissed as forgeries by many LDS academics on account of metallurgical analysis and ‘incomplete’ iconography or copying of the Mayan artwork they portray, are another example of possible usage of Reformed Egyptian in archaeological artifacts. They were reportedly found in a tomb in Guerrero Mexico which was excavated by Dr Jesus Padilla Orozco and his companions sometime between 1952 and 1956. Dr. Padilla now a physician in Mexico claims that many other gold objects were found and distributed tri among other men participating in the tomb excavation but he chose to take the plates because the writing on them interested him the original Padilla collection consisted of twelve plates five of which were turned over to Jose Davila and seven were retained by Dr. Padilla.

In January 1971 Dr. Padilla brought the plates to be studied along with other artifacts reportedly taken from the Guerrero tomb these consisted of numerous small objects including an array of jade beads shaped like calabashes short tubes and round forms all drilled for stringing also found were carved shell stone receptacles carved obsidian and jade earspools earspools jade labrets ornaments worn in a perforation in the lip monochrome pottery with cascabel supports slit type bell like openings projectile points miniature pottery vessels and copper bells all of which appeared to be of late date for Mesoamerica America absent from the collection were polychrome pottery vessels which may have been sold the assemblage in general is of the post classic period AD 900 1200 and strongly supports Padilla’s claim that the material was taken from a tomb in Guerrero the only objects conspicuously different from those normally found in tombs in the area are the gold plates

High resolution images of all plates available in University of Utah collections. A few color images are available here and here.

Less controversial matches for characters from the Book of Mormon plates exist in many locations and can be found in …

Q&A: Questions and Answers to Debatable Book of Mormon Geography Topics

Collection of Facebook and other social media conversations with other Book of Mormon Geography enthusiasts.

Q: Could John Sorenson’s logic concerning ‘Nephite North’ being an example of ancient Egyptian directionality be valid?

A: This highlights one of the primary weaknesses/problems of the Limited Mesoamerican models. Especially the Sorenson Grijalva Model.
You have to assume that the loose translation of the Book of Mormon changed the world pyramid to tower, and deer/etc to horse and all the other cultural world translations to modern equivalents, but then you have to also believe that the Nephite directional system was NOT translated to modern equivalents but left in a coordinate system rotated by 45 degrees, except when it wasn’t.

It’s especially problematic because as Sorenson fails to point out, neither the English, Hebrew or Egyptian roots match the limited mesoamerican 45 degree rotation very well in the ways you’d have to suppose.
For instance, the Dead Sea is called the “qadmoni” sea, i.e. the eastern sea in a few cases. Ezekiel 47:18, Joel 2:20, Zecharia 14:8 are examples of this. Hardly matching the 90 degree rotation ideas sorenson pushes.
In English the Germanic roots are
South = suð or sun
North = nórðrvegr or left way
East = austri or shine/ sunrise
West = vestri or sunset
In Egyptian they are
iAbtt – EAST, left side, left hand, sun birth, rebirth.
rsy – SOUTH, Ra/sun, head, in front, beginning, upper, elevated, up river.
imntt – WEST, right side, right hand, completion, death.
mHty – NORTH, feet, end, submerged, decline, behind, down river
In both the south is ‘sun’. (where the sun is most). In one north is left in the other east is left. In Hebrew east is front and North is left and south right… so again why wouldn’t the translators just translate the directions into our modern system using the same system as the bible with the rising sun being east? The Grijalva doesn’t even correspond to a cardinal direction, so to suppose they somehow followed the Egyptian system and named northwest, north doesn’t really make sense either.. (so what would they call the direction of the rising sun where the temples should face which would be southeast in sorenson’s system?)
Who knows… but Sorenson’s explanations are not entirely satisfactory to everyone.

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Q: How could hundreds of thousands of Nephite and Lamanites travel so far (2-4 thousand miles) from Mesoamerica to Cumorah during the final exodus and battles? Dont the logistics of such a move make it impossible?

A: Let me give you some thoughts on logistics. And once again…

1. We have ZERO indication of how many of either Nephites or Lamanites came from Zarahemla to the final battle. For all we know, they ALL came from desolation or Jordan. In my model scientists are working on figuring this out with dental isotope studies–because the dead bodies are everywhere.

2. The Nephite exodus happened over a period of 50+ year period! Zarahemla to Sherrizah/Boaz 321-370, Boaz to Jordan 5-10 years.. to Cumorah another 8 years (370-374). Want to do the math of how far you’d need to travel each day? (and once again we have no idea how many traveled? Just a few little clues in a couple areas

3. WATER! Like the saints who came from england, the Nephites/Lamanites would have UNDOUBTEDLY used water for transport. In my model their cities are predominantly along water trade hubs (all but about 200 miles of the way) IN FACT, logic suggests thats why cumorah was the battle spot. ITS THE END OF THE ROAD (the road being the Mississippi they used their canoes to travel)

5. BEASTS OF BURDAN. I don’t think they had horses. But Sahagun may suggest they used deer as tranport animals. I think they especially used dogs for transport.

The thing is… like I said, none of this is rocket science. As far as logistics is concerned, if you’re going one hudred miles, the logistics of going a few thousand is no different. You just do the exact same daily logistical thing, for a much longer period. You know this. I’m not sure why you’re so bent on finding ‘logistical’ problems of the final battles, that honestly exist in ALL models.

I cover these issues and more in my critique article of the 2 cumorah theories. Which of course are possible modals. I just don’t think they fit the evidence nearly as well as a continental model like Joseph’s or mine.

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Q: Was the Land Desolation called Desolation because it had no trees or because it had no people or because it was a desert or wilderness region?

A: I believe all three. The text says,

“4 And they did travel to an EXCEEDINLY great distance, insomuch that they came to large bodies of water and many rivers.

5 Yea, and even they did spread forth into all parts of the land, into whatever parts it had not been rendered desolate and without timber, because of the many inhabitants who had before inherited the land.

6 And now no part of the land was desolate, save it were for timber; but because of the greatness of the destruction of the people who had before inhabited the land it was called desolate.

7 And there being but little timber upon the face of the land, nevertheless the people who went forth became exceedingly expert in the working of cement; therefore they did build houses of cement, in the which they did dwell.

8 And it came to pass that they did multiply and spread, and did go forth from the land southward to the land northward, and did spread insomuch that they began to cover the face of the whole earth, from the sea south to the sea north, from the sea west to the sea east.

9 And the people who were in the land northward did dwell in tents, and in houses of cement, and they did suffer whatsoever tree should spring up upon the face of the land that it should grow up, that in time they might have timber to build their houses, yea, their cities, and their temples, and their synagogues, and their sanctuaries, and all manner of their buildings.

10 And it came to pass as timber was exceedingly scarce in the land northward, they did send forth much by the way of shipping.

11 And thus they did enable the people in the land northward that they might build many cities, both of wood and of cement.”

Sounds like the best match in North America to me….

I see your reasoning of the idea that the Jaredites cut down ALL THE TREES & left some bodies laying on the ground and thats the ONLY reason it was called desolate. That doesn’t make a whole lot of sense to me, because it had been 100-250 years by that point. Plenty of time from trees to grow back. I think thats just one reason he states here of the obvious one he doesn’t state. Its desolate.

The valley of mexico works for the ‘large body of water’ (not so much for bodies, but maybe they were including west mexico lakes). The many rivers also not so much. (compared to where they were coming from anyway)

I’m not going to be so lame as to say “that eliminates the Land of Desolation from being the valley of mexico”

But I do think the heartlanders have so much support because the eastern us really is a better land of many waters.

https://gatheredin.one/…/comparing-book-of-mormon…/…

Animals in the Book of Mormon

ElephantsCureloms and CumomsCattle, Oxen, and Cows
GoatsSheepSwine
Ass & Horse

Many Book of Mormon critics try to show issues or anachronisms with the lists of animals found in its narrative; for example the Wikipedia articles on Book of Mormon Archaeology and Book of Mormon Anachronisms. The Book of Mormon certainly has its issues, but reading these animal issue attacks always seems strangely biased to me. In fact articles like this have so many blatant falsities that they’re a bit difficult for a well-read person to stomach and have been thoroughly debunked. However, to really do justice to the range of animals said to be found in the Book of Mormon one really must adopt a continental model for the Book of Mormon text, as several of the animals mentioned are found only in Western North America.

Throughout this article, keep in mind that our model places the Nephites primarily in the Mexican Highland, the Land of Nephi in the Oaxaca highland (Monte Alban), the Lamanite heartland in Chiapas & the Yucatan and the Nephite ‘Land Northward’ and Jaredites primarily in the U.S. Southwest, Northwest Mexico and the Eastern U.S.— the early Jaredite record being an abridged oral & channeled history spanning from the Ice age to the Nephite era.

The Book of Mormon makes clear that both Jaredites and Nephites who lived in ancient times on this continent had domestic animals of various kinds. They also speak of wild varieties of presently domesticated animals. The earlier people, the Jaredites (unknown beginning to ~300 B.C.), are reported to have had,

all manner of cattle, of oxen, and cows, and of sheep, and of swine, and of goats, and also many other kinds of animals which were useful for the food of man. And they also had horses, and asses, and there were elephants and cureloms and cumoms; all of which were useful unto man, and more especially the elephants and cumoms. (Ether 9:18–19)

The Nephites (c. 600 B.C. – 400 A.D.) on the other hand tell us,

that there were beasts in the forests of every kind, both the cow and the ox, and the ass and the horse, and the goat and the wild goat, and all manner of wild animals, which were for the use of men. (1 Nephi 18:25)

“…and they had taken their horses, and their chariots, and their cattle, and all their flocks, and their herds, and their grain, and all their substance, and did march forth by thousands”  (3 Nephi 3:22, cf. Mosiah 5:14; Enos 1:21; Alma 5:59; Alma 17)

From these lists its clear that, if true, the Book of Mormon translators, like Spanish Chroniclers of the sixteenth century, employed a dynamic equivalence technique in their translation of animals. Translating the ancient animals into analogous animals Joseph Smith and early Americans would recognize. Its also quite likely that Mormon as an ancient translator and compiler projected some of his own ‘Land Northward’ (Desolation) understanding of North American animals onto the ancient texts from Mesoamerica that he was transcribing. The types of animals in each list consequently might tell us something about the locations these groups lived.

Elephants

Note that Elephants are in the list for animals useful for the early Jaredites. With the exception of small island pockets, and a few DNA samples in Northern Alaska, evidence for the extinction of remaining North American Elephants (Mammoth & Mastodon) and other megafauna during the Younger Dryas climate event by the radiocarbon dates of ~10,000 BC is overwhelmingly conclusive. This requires that the early Jaredite record was older than most people believe. (Perhaps including the Book of Mormon authors themselves?) Unless radiocarbon dates for that highly variable climatic period are somehow wrong, it seems likely that the Jaredite record (much like the Biblical & Babylonian records) may have presented spliced or fragmented genealogies in a condensed, linear form leading back to the ancient Babel tower myth where mankind spread throughout the globe. (In other words there is likely missing time that is not accounted for in the record.) The mention of elephants and other extinct animals, along with the obvious fact that the Book of Mormon tells us the Jaredites were the first inhabitants of this continent is the most striking evidence for our correlated timeline which correlates the early pre-dearth Jaredites with North American Paleo-Indians living prior to the end of the ice age. (The “dearth” in Ether 9:30 being the younger dryas: a massive episode of climate change ending the last ice age cycle.) Because of the mention of elephants as well as two other apparently extinct megafauna which were “especially useful [for the food of] man”, correlating the Paleo-Indian with the archaic cultures of North America is really the best plausible correlation. This is certainly plausible since the record itself does not give any concrete dates for the Jaredite culture (only a genealogy table). There are literally thousands of archeological sites showing that the Clovis and Paleo-Indians lived on diets rich in megafauna.  Many archaeologists have in fact suggested that these native American groups may have been responsible for hunting many of these animals to extinction. This highly debated theory gives a lot of weight to the idea given in the book of Ether where it states that BOTH a climate event and hunting did them in.

30 And it came to pass that there began to be a great dearth upon the land, and the inhabitants began to be destroyed exceedingly fast because of the dearth, for there was no rain upon the face of the earth.
31 …And it came to pass that their flocks began to flee… towards the land southward, which was called by the Nephites Zarahemla…
34 And it came to pass that the people did follow the course of the beasts, and did devour the carcasses of them which fell by the way, until they had devoured them all. (Ether 9:30–34)

size comparison of mammoth, mastodon and African elephants

Cureloms and Cumoms

Many other extinct Pleistocene megafauna fit the description of Jaredite animals mentioned in the Book of Mormon. Paleoindians were known to subsist on Gomphotheres and perhaps even giant sloths; short-faced bears; several species of tapirs; saber-toothed cats like smilodon; dire wolves; saiga; camelids such as two species of now extinct llamas and camelops. Since it is generally accepted that “cureloms and cumoms” were especially “useful for the food of man”  (Ether 9:18–19), and unknown to Mormon in translation (not necessarily Joseph Smith), I think the most likely candidates are the gompothere, giant sloth, wooly rhino or camelids.

18 …and also many other kinds of animals which were useful for the food of man.

19 And they also had horses, and asses, and there were elephants and cureloms and cumoms; all of which were useful unto man, and more especially the elephants and cureloms and cumoms.

See even Alexandar Von Humbodt’s 1814 publication which references an ancient native illustration of an animal with ‘a trunk, figured in the Codex Borgianus‘. From which he rightly hypothesizes on the native memory of some extinct species “which from the configuration of its trunk holds the middle place between the elephant and the tapir.” (p.212 Researches concerning the institutions & monuments of the ancient inhabitants of America)

A few of the many North American megafauna which co-existed with the paleoindians. (nearly all of which went extinct at the end of the ice age (which we correlate with the "great dearth" spoken of in the Book of Mormon).

A few of the many North American megafauna which co-existed with the paleoindians. (nearly all of which went extinct at the end of the ice age (which we correlate with the “great dearth” spoken of in the Book of Mormon).

Cattle, Oxen, and Cows

Concerning the Jaredite “cattle, of oxen, and cows” mentioned in Ether 9:18, likely matches would have to be American Bison (subfamily Bovinae/bovine), shrub ox (family Bovidae: went extinct with other megafauna); Harlan’s muskox (family: bovidae, subfamily: caprinae), Moose (family Cervidae, could have been classified as either cow or horse by Mormon/Ether depending on their cultural classification system) and for Mesoamerica and 1 Nephi 18:25, Baird’s Tapir which is locally known as the “Mountain Cow”. Each of these species ranged far south of their current habitat during the last Ice Age. There is of course no evidence for moose or shrub ox in Mexico, so the only option for the Nephite list is Bison as an Ox, which historical accounts put as far south as Zacatecas (Lst et. al 2007); and Tapir, perhaps as a swine or cow type animal. (It’s certainly nothing like a horse! LOL)   And since the Nephite list excludes “cattle” we can assume they were not yet familiar with cows as a herd animal (such as Bison herds on the plains) at the time 1 Nephi 18:25 was written.

Early Spanish explorers like Cabaza de Vaca with native interpreters also called Bison cows in his dairy saying,

“They described some cows which, from a picture that one of them had painted on his skin, seemed to be cows, although from the hides this did not seem possible, because the hair was woolly and snarled so that we could not tell what sort of skins they had.” (The Narrative of Alvara Nunuz Cabeza de Vaca. Ch 12. v. 1)

Ichnofossil evidence of Bison has been found as far south as the Acahualinca track site in Nicaragua from around the time of Christ. Lockley et al, 2008, found the following.

Williams (1952, p. 6) also stated that there was “the trackway ofa bison in a layer of volcanic mudstone in the quarries of El Recreo,approximately 2.5 km south of El Cauce.” He illustrated these bisontracks (Williams, 1952, fig, 11b, e), and, based on them, inferred an ageolder than 2000 BP, reasoning that bison bones were not known fromarchaeological sites of, or younger than, that age in Nicaragua, so theymust have been extinct by then. Williams (1952, fig. 11c) also illustrateddeer tracks from Acahualinca

cattle, oxen and cows

cattle, oxen and cows

Large tapir.

A large Baird’s Tapir. Also known to the indigenous as the “Mountain Cow”.

Goats

Possibilities include North American Mountain Goats. (Our current scientific classification system does not include this animal in the Capra genus with most goats, but Joseph or Mormon could have very well have been referring to this type of animal).

The North American Mountain Goat.

The North American Mountain Goat.

The Nephite animal list differentiates between “goats and wild goats”. Although modern botanists classify North American antelope into a different family than goats (Antiloocapridae vs. Bovidae), you can see how similar the the two animals look. Antelope were known to be a major food staple of assorted Mesoamerican groups like the early Zapotecs ranging as far south as Oaxaca during the archaic period. More recently their range stops near the valley of Mexico, although disease has nearly caused their extinction in many areas since colonial times. This may very well be the wild and non-wild goat that the Nephites were referring to. Since the range of North American Mountain Goat does not seem to stretch far south of the US border into Mexico, it may be that Mormon as a translator of Nephi’s writings projected his own understanding of the animals of his region (north-most west Mexico & Southwest US) on the record.

North American pronghorn antelope compared to both European and Middle Eastern varieties of goats.

North American pronghorn antelope (left) compared to both European and Middle Eastern varieties of goats (middle and right).

Sheep

Many species of wild sheep are indigenous to north america. Including Rocky Mountain big horn, Dall Ram, Desert big horn. See wild sheep of north america for details. Note that sheep are not mentioned in the Nephite animal lists, only the Jaredite. This is fitting since, unlike antelope (goats) and bison (cows), no North American sheep are known to have ranged very far south into Mexico.

Spanish Explorer Cabaza de Vaca who after being marooned in the New World lived with the Natives many years claimed that the hills around Sinaloa contained both indigenous “sheep and goats”.

“Between Suya and Chichilticalli there are many sheep and mountain goats with very large bodies and horns. Some Spaniards declare that they have seen flocks of more than a hundred together, which ran so fast that they disappeared very quickly” (The Narrative of Alvara Nunuz Cabeza de Vaca. Ch 2. v. 5)

Don Joan Suarez de Peralta reported between 1635 & 1540 that explorer Friar Marcos gave an account of the natives of New Mexico saying that,

“in the city of Cibola… the houses were very fine edifices, four stories high; and in the country there are many of what they call wild cows, and sheep and goats and rich treasures… the people in that country very prosperous, and all the Indians wearing clothes and the possessors of much cattle; the mountains like those of Spain, and the climate the same. For wood, they burnt very large walnut trees, which bear quantities of walnuts better than those of Spain. They have many mountain grapes, which are very good eating, chestnuts, and filberts…. For game, there were partridges, geese, cranes, and all the other winged creatures—it was marvelous what was there. And then Suarez adds, writing half a century later, ‘He told the truth in all this, because there are mountains in that country, as he said, and herds, especially of cows. . . . . There are grapes and game, without doubt, and a climate like that of Spain.”” (The Coronado Expedition, George Winship. p.365)

Although many of the details of the accounts of Fray Marcos are fanciful, one must note that the grouping of the known “wild cows” (or bison) which is historically validated might add validity to the possibility that the native Zuni really did have some kind of domesticated “sheep & goats”.

Another witness named Andrés Garcia, accounted a second hand account from Frey Marcos which agrees with the details above saying more of seeing the earliest pre-conquest Natives of New Mexico possessing both cows [bison], sheep and partridges [quail/pheasants].  

“they wear coarse woolen cloth and ride on some animals, the name of which the witness did not know… the cities were surrounded by walls, with their gates guarded, and were very wealthy, having silversmiths, and that the women wore strings of gold beads and the men girdles of gold and white woolen dresses; and that they had sheep and cows and partridges and slaughterhouses and iron forges.” (ibid, p.366)

Again we must ask ourselves if these accounts are exaggerated hearsay, or if the early southwest natives successfully hid their riches and animals to all but the earliest Coronado & Marcos expiditions.

 

A few of North America's native sheep species include the Peninsular Ram, the Dall's sheep the Peninsular Ram and the Rocky Mountain Ram

A few of North America’s native sheep species include (shown from left to right above) the Peninsular Ram, the Dall’s sheep the Peninsular Ram and the Rocky Mountain Ram.

Swine

Note this is not mentioned in the Nephite list of animals, only the Jaredite list.. Perhaps because many of the larger ranging North American peccaries (Including the long nosed and flat-headed peccaries) went extinct with other megafauna. Pigs (family Suidae) are not native to the Americas, however peccaries, which are native to the Americas (family Tayassuidae) have roamed limited parts of the continent since the demise of their relatives at the end of the ice age. Collared peccary, referred to as ‘wild boar’ in the Codex Mendoza, composed a major part of Oaxacan Zapotec diet into the classic era. Tapirs are also somewhat reminiscent of pigs. They are prevalent in central America and grow to be six and a half feet in length and can weigh more than six hundred pounds. Many zoologists and anthropologists have compared the tapir’s features to those of a cross between a pig and a cow.

Extinct North American peccary, living meso-american jungle peccary and north american dessert javelina

Extinct North American peccary (shown left), living North American dessert javelina (center), and Mesoamerican jungle peccary (right).

Ass & the Horse

Domestication of caribou, bison, reindeer, and even elk are not uncommon.

Isolated domestication of caribou, bison, reindeer, and even elk are not uncommon.

Horses aren’t specifically mentioned in the Book of Mormon as being the type of animal that carried people. In fact in the instances that they are mentioned in relation to “chariots”, the wording could easily be referring to some type of supply slay (3 Nephi 3:22; Alma 18:9–12).  So its actually pretty plausible that the Book of Mormon translators used the biblical/European word “horse” to refer to a different type of native animal.  Just as Reindeer are the “horse” of Norse peoples, it seems fairly possible that the purported Book of Mormon channelers translated words for White-tale and Mule Deer (or even Elk, North American caribou or moose for those living farther north) in instances it was used. Note this is exactly what was done by early Aztec writers, as Sahagún in his Florentine Codex calls the Spanish horses “deer”.  (see Bk 12, Ch. 1 par. 7 & Bk 12 Ch. 7 par. 8)  In fact in the second instance Sahagún’s reference to the Aztec calling the Spanish horses “deer”, the wording sounds as though they were somewhat familiar with the idea of deer in warfare as supply animals but completely amazed by deer which were strong and tall enough to actually carry a man.

Their deer carry them upon their backs. They are as high as rooftops. (Sahagún, 1545-1590)

Moctezuma took it as a great and evil omen when he saw the stars and the mamalhuaztli. And when he looked at the bird’s head a second time a little further, he saw a crowd of people coming, armed for war on the backs of deer… (The Florentine Codex, Book 12)

In fact, both elk and deer have been readily domesticated in modern times. Elk farming in North America has become increasingly popular in recent years and Siberian natives have been domesticating elk and deer for thousands of years. Europeans also have occasionally domesticated deer for hundreds of years. (Although they don’t tend to stay domesticated long.) Deer in most national parks and many urban settings as well as Elk in National Parks such as the Grand Canyon and Yellowstone have become so docile as to cause problems by their constant dependence and interaction with people. There are even numerous historic images of old cowboys riding elk. It seems logical that if many Nordic cultures could get a caribou to pull a sleigh then it is certainly plausible that some talented ‘deer whisperers’ could train a strong mule deer to pull a ceremonial supply ‘chariot’ as mentioned in Alma 18:9–12. I also find it interesting that settlers named the deer species O. hemionus “Mule Deer” because the animals large ears reminded them so much of a Mule or Ass. Deer are incredibly common in Mexico and even provided a main source of food for cultures as far south as the Yucatan Peninsula and Guatemala.

In fact, in the next section an example from an early Spanish historian is given of the kings of the valley of Mexico fencing in herds of deer.

The idea that Book of Mormon references to “horses” refereed to tapirs, is far too much of a stretch in my opinion. I’m not sure why anyone would suggest such a thing when there are such better alternatives.

comparisons of African wild ass, European ass and North American mule deer.

Comparisons of African wild ass (left), European ass (center) and North American mule deer (right).

Comparison of modern horse and North American cow Elk.

Comparison of modern horse and North American Elk (shown at right).

Flocks & Herds

The Book of Mormon makes frequent mention of “flocks and herds”. In addition to the animals mentioned above it is relevant to note that archeological evidence shows that many Mesoamerican peoples bred, raised and subsisted on animals such as dog, turkey, rabbit and deer. Archaeological evidence indicates dogs and deer were a substantial part of the Mayan diet. In fact, at the Colha site, white-tailed deer accounted for up to fifty percent of the Maya meat source. Likewise, Zapotec cultures relied heavily on deer and domesticated dog and turkey. It makes sense that, many of the references to “flocks and herds” may be referring primarily to these animals. Early Zapotec peoples are also known to have subsisted on antelope— of which similar species have been readily domesticated in various areas of Asia and Africa.  Peccary and tapir are also well known indigenous animals which could have been primary components of Book of Mormon “flocks and herds”. Although evidence for animal domestication in Mesoamerica is hard to come by, this may well be because it is often difficult, if not impossible, to tell the difference between a wild animal and a domesticated animal from archaeological food remains.

The early Spanish chronology Mariano Veytia in his “Ancient History talks about the ancient emperors created fenced enclosures for deer & other animals, 

“Nezahualcoyotl… gathered a large stash of materials, and prepared a large number of workers; and seeing the site of Chapoltepec as suitable for a hunting forest, he ordered it to be formed, fenced, and stocked with deer, rabbits, hares, and other animals, allocating it as a place of amusement” (Ancient History, p.142)

No evidence of these fences have been found by archaeologist… almost certainly because they were made of reeds or some other highly perishable material.

A study on The archaeology of Mesoamerican Animals food uses in the Valley of Oaxaca (out Land of Nephi) list the following animals as major food staples throughout the early to late formative and early classic periods. Collared peccary, gray fox, raccoon, ringtail spotted skunk, long-tailed weasel, nine-banded armadillo and opossum, ducks, band-tailed pigeon, mourning dove, guan, Montezuma quail, coot, raven finches and Turkey. (see, Animal Economies in prehispanic southern Mexico, Gotz & Emery)

The essential Codex Mendoza mentions many of these same animals being utilized by the natives at the time of the conquest both for local food and tribute to the Aztec capital.  It states,

the lowlands [of the Valley of Oaxaca were] pleasant enough to support crops of sweet potatoes, xicamas, and various fruits, and the piedmont conducive to exploiting mesquite, maguey, and prickly pear cactus (ibid.; Paddock 1966:42). This last plant served as host for the tiny dye-producing cochineal insects. Wild animals and birds [turkey], ranging from deer and wild boar in the mountains to macaws, parrots, and rabbits in the lowlands were plentiful… 

De Soto speaks of indigenous tribes having major food staples of  rabbits and partridges, dogs, and turkeys. (Ch.13.p168.)
Plains herds of bison, elk, deer, and antelope historically ranged into Texas, New Mexico and well down into northwest Mexico. The early Spanish explorer Onate, like many early explorers described the Bison and cattle and compared the ‘deer’ (actually elk) to horses.

…nearly every day and wherever we went as many cattle came out as are to be found in the largest ranches of New Spain and they were so tame that nearly always, unless they were chased or frightened… All these cattle are of one color, namely brown, and it was a great marvel to see a white bull in such a multitude. Their form is so frightful that one can only infer that they are a mixture of different animals… This river is thickly covered on all sides with these cattle and with another not less wonderful, consisting of deer which are as large as large horses. They travel in droves of two and three hundred and their deformity causes one to wonder whether they are deer or some other animal. (Spanish exploration in the Southwest, 1542-1706, Herbert Bolton, p255)

Another early Spanish account tells of how the plains indians used large dogs as pack animals such Europeans might use mules.

In these [midwestern US] plains dwell the… Querechos, the vaqueros. [Apache cow herders]. They imitate the gypsies [nomads of Europe] in having little stability of permanence of location. Ordinarily they go from one place to another taking with them all their property loaded on droves of dogs the size of the large mastiffs of Castile. They equip them with pack saddles of cowhide and load their leather tents [Teepees] on them. These dogs carry the tents, poles, and other implements; likewise the the household goods, supplies, meat and foodstuffs in quantities of almost four arrobas [100 lbs each]. They have many of them. (Obregón’s history of 16th century explorations in western America, available here)

Below is an example from Nara deer park in Japan, of how easy it is to partially domesticate wild animals… you simply need to give them a reliable food source.

Although it is certainly possible that the Book of Mormon was written by Joseph Smith or one of his contemporaries, instead of being channeled from heaven or translated from an ancient record–the supposed animal “anachronisms” are not a very solid argument against its authenticity.

Domesticating Deer. Nora Deer Park, Japan

 
 

Video of man Riding Buffalo

Video of man attempt at Riding Elk

Video of man attempted Moose Ride

Video of domesticating Antelope

A little detail behind why the only animals that Native American’s had much success Domesticating were, turkey, dog, and possibly deer & bison on a more limited basis.

Could Extinct Fauna Be Misdated?

It seems very unlikely that horses existed in the America’s at the time of the conquest. Since reading records from the conquest era such as Cortez Journal, De Soto’s expedition or Coronado’s expedition, shows that NOT a single horse was seen. Over and over the natives were absolutely dumbfounded by the Spanish horses, with an understanding of the advantage these animals gave the conquistadors. Literally one armored horse-conquistador could take on a hundred natives. (in the Chichimec revolt 200 horseman win 15k revolting natives.) De Soto looses some of his 300 horses (ends expedition with less than 10). Even De Ibarra, (who witnessed wild horses in Sonora), talks about over 200 mules that they brought into west Mexico a decade earlier bred in Mexico city. He also says that during the Durango revolt in 1565, the natives “stole or killed between 200-400 horses”, showing how quickly the Spanish inundated Mexico with horses and livestock from the old world making it unsurprising that accounts of wild horses begin showing up in the New World within 100 years of the conquest of Mexico.

That said, it is at least of interest to note how the distribution of evidence for pre-conquest horses (all dated to ice-age times) seems to line up with my Book of Mormon model.  It is also noteworthy how many of these horse bones and teeth were dated using Uranium series dating (which always gives ice-age dates) instead of radiocarbon dating.  Many books and papers (Collin, 2017) have detailed native hearsay evidence of pre-Columbian horses. Is it possible that natives did have horses, but successfully had women & children run away on their horses and hide from post conquest Europeans?  Is it possible that some of these Uranium series dates are wrong?  The answers to these questions will come with advances in genetic testing.

Main Late Pleistocene equid localities from Oaxaca and Chiapas.  Taken from “Species Diversity and Paleoecology of Late Pleistocene Horses From Southern Mexico” by Jimenez-Hidalgo, et all, 2019. Note how the locations match the land of Nephi and land of First Inheritance of the Unified Continental Model.

Note from the above article that three dominate horse species are found in American fossil evidence. The three range from the size of a Shetland Pony to the about size of an average European horse of around 750 pounds–with whole skulls being found.  Sometimes they are found in association with mammoths, mastodons, camels and other ice age fauna, but in Oaxaca, the paper says they are found in conjunction with American Bison and Pronghorn Antelope–both animals the Book of Mormon suggests were in Oaxaca at Nephi’s landing.  

[add illustration of fossil horses of the three types and sized (maybe a comparison to moder horses. Also pull out the map from the above article of all north america.]

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Summary of Points

So in summary. There seems to be a lot of inconsistent thinking when it comes to animals in the Book of Mormon and particularly, Jaredite animal lists.
Elephants are only mentioned very early in the Jaredite timeline. And they are mentioned after “cattle, oxen and cows” as well as “sheep, and of swine, and of goats”, and in conjunction with 2 animals with no modern translation.

-So if the Book of Mormon “elephants” are tapirs… what are “swine, and cattle, oxen and cows”
-If b.o.m. Cureloms and Cumoms are alpacas, what are “sheep and goats and horses?”
-if b.o.m. Elephants are mammoths that held out (with ZERO archaeological evidence) in some isolated pocket until 1800 BC, then what are “Cureloms and Cumoms”? And why didn’t Mormon translate these words?
-If b.o.m. Elephants, Cureloms and Cumoms still existed into Nephite times don’t you think they’d be mentioned in the Nephite animal list of 1 Nephi 18:25; cf. Mosiah 5:14; Enos 1:21; Alma 5:59?

The record states that after the climate catastrophe/dearth, ” the people did follow the course of the beasts, and did devour the carcasses of them which fell by the way, until they had devoured THEM ALL” (Ether 9:30–34)
I’ve found nearly all articles trying to correlate these Book of Mormon animals with real American animal groups are HIGHLY inconsistent over either geographic region or time or both.

Really the best and perhaps only way to resolve these inconsistencies, and still consider the translation of the Book of Mormon to be divine where higher beings are attempting to match ancient animals with their available modern counterparts is to suggest that Elephants are Mammoths, Cureloms and Cumoms are two other genre or species of extinct megafauna (Gomphotheres are a good possibility for one), and that the ‘dearth’ is the Younger Dryas extinction event which, along with over hunting, killed off most megafauna in the Americas.
https://beta.capeia.com/…/disappearance-of-ice-age…

To make these lists work, also requires accepting that the Jaredites ranged into North America… not just Mesoamerica or South America… as otherwise, there are just not enough good matches to “cattle, of oxen, and cows, and of sheep, and of swine, and of goats, and also many other kinds of animals which were useful for the food of man… also horses and asses and elephants…

-Elephants = Mammoths
-Cureloms and Cumoms = Extinct megafauna with no similar modern equivalents. (Gomphotheres, Megatherium, Amphicyon? Paraceratherium?)
-Cattle, oxen and cows = American Bison, Shrub Ox, Musk Ox, Tapir (Note the Nephite list excludes cattle, suggesting they were not associated with herds of cow. Which makes sense if they were mainly in Mesoamerica where there were no large bison herds.)
-Goats = Pronghorn antelope and North American mountain goat. (Another evidence for the Mexican Highland model, as there is no evidence for these animals south of Oaxaca/Tehuantepec).
-Sheep = Rocky Mountain big horn, Dall Ram, Desert big horn (once again sheep are not mentioned in the Nephite animal lists, only the Jaredite which again works perfectly for Jaredites in North America, and Nephites in Mesoamerica/Mexican Highland)
-Swine = North American peccaries (only in Jaredite list… so likely not referring to Tapirs)
-Ass & the Horse = Mule deer and Elk or other types of deer (The Florentine Codex has the natives calling the Spanish ‘horses’, deer.)
Flocks & Herds = dog, turkey, rabbit and deer.

Thus a verse like Enos 1:21 which says, 

21 And it came to pass that the people of Nephi did till the land, and raise all manner of grain, and of fruit, and flocks of herds, and flocks of all manner of cattle of every kind, and goats, and wild goats, and also many horses.

after noting that the 1828 dictionary defines cattle as “Beasts or quadrupeds in general, serving for tillage, or other labor, and for food to man”, we can assume that from evidence found in a place like Monte Alban (my city of Nephi) that the flocks and herds [of cattle] were mostly turkey, dogs, deer, antelope and some type of goat which has not yet been attested in the mesoamerican archaeological record but is found in Northern Mexico, Baja and the US Southwest.

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Plants & Crops in the Book of Mormon

Much like animals, the Book of Mormon mentions several domesticated plant varieties which have often been seen as anachronistic. one such example is this verse in Mosiah 9 speaking of the Nephites who return to the land of Nephi.

9 And we began to till the ground, yea, even with all manner of seeds, with seeds of corn, and of wheat, and of barley, and with neas, and with sheum, and with seeds of all manner of fruits; and we did begin to multiply and prosper in the land. (Mosiah 9:9)

Although corn is known to have been domesticated exclusively in the Americas, and neas & sheum are unknown (untranslated) varieties of foods, wheat & barley have often been called anachronistic and unknown in the Americas before colonization. However…

Native Barley

Of Barley, the Book of Mormon says,

22 And all this he did, for the sole purpose of bringing this people into subjection or into bondage. And behold, we at this time do pay tribute to the king of the Lamanites, to the amount of one half of our corn, and our barley, and even all our grain of every kind (Mosiah 7:22)
7 A senum of silver was equal to a senine of gold, and either for a measure of barley, and also for a measure of every kind of grain. 15… a shiblon for half a measure of barley. (Alma 11:7,15)

Hordeum pusillum, also known as little barley, is an annual grass native to much of the United States and southwestern Canada. It arrived via multiple long-distance dispersals of a southern South American species of Hordeum about one million years ago. Its closest relatives are therefore not the other North American taxa like meadow barley (Hordeum brachyantherum) or foxtail barley (Hordeum jubatum), but rather Hordeum species of the Pampas of central Argentina and Uruguay. It is less closely related to the Old World domesticated barley, from which it diverged about 12 million years ago. It is diploid. 

Coincidentally, evidence suggests domestication took place in the southeastern and southwestern United States (Livingston, 2010). Evidence of its domesticated use as a food staple was first discovered in 1983 among the Hohokam of Arizona, and has since been found at the Gast Spring site in Iowa as well as many other sites (Dunn & Green, 1998). To the Hohokam culture in Arizona, archeological evidence suggests that little barley was used for trade between other [southwest] tribes whose diet did not normally include domesticated little barley (Minnis, 2016).

Many articles exist which follow Tyler Livingston’s logic of showing the connections between the cultures of the US Desert Southwest and those of the Eastern US and Mexico. These include Mesoamerican ballcourts, caged McCaw, shells and abundant evidence of Cacao to once again suggest that Mormon may have projected his local ‘Land of Desolation’ crops onto the rest of the Book of Mormon (as the southwest is likely the only area with all foods mentioned in the Book of Mormon.  Note that Chia seeds mentioned below were used as both money and religious festivals much like Barley was in Israel.

Wheat

Native Americans used the seeds of many types of grasses which were comparable to wheat. Wheat being differentiated from Barley in that wheat is usually milled into a flour while barley is eaten as a whole grain or in pearled form. Seeds used in mills by Native American’s included grasses like Indian Ricegrass, Little Bluestem, Sideoats Grama, Galleta, Sand Dropseed, and Alkali Sacaton as a food source, with Indian Ricegrass being a particularly important staple for tribes in the Southwest, where its seeds were gathered, processed, and cooked into various dishes like porridges and breads.

Amaranth grain compared to wheat

Amaranth grain (left) and wheat (right)

Two other grass seed possibilities known to form a significant portion of ancient central Mexican peoples is Amaranth seeds and Chia seeds. “Chia was one of the four main crops of the Aztec civilization along with beans, corn, and amaranth. The first recordings of chia being cultivated date back to 3500 BC. Chia was ground down and used to make a flour to bake bread, mixed with a sweet syrup called maguey and also as a nourishing broth. There are also recordings of special dishes being prepared with chia to be used in religious festivals and celebrations. Chia was viewed as such a valuable and nutritious food that it was used as a currency to barter for other essentials. The Codex Mendoza specifically mentions Oaxaca as a region which provided tribute to the Aztec capital with small seeds thought to be Chia (Berden, p.108). Apart from a food, chia was seed as a medicine and prescribed for a huge number of ailments and to improve health and vitality” (Miller, 2024, see also Rozanne Stevens, accessed 2024)

Sheum

Interestingly, the term Sheum is used in the Book of Mormon as a grain presumably gathered by the ancient Americans with a name that seems strange that young Joseph Smith would use.  As it is an actual ancient Assyrian term used at various times to refer to grains generally, and even pine nuts (see Assyrian Dictionary of OIUofC, 1968); something quite common to the Native American diet in both North America & the Mexican Highland. 

Neas

The Zapotecs of Oaxaca milled several other types of seeds which could very well be the ‘neas’ with no biblical or New England counterpart which Joseph left untranslated. These include milled Guaja pods and Misquite pods. Guaje (River tamarind) is a tropical shrub or small tree in Central and South America. It has long, drooping branches that form an umbrella-like canopy and light green leaves with serrated edges. The fruit of the guaje is an edible red berry that can be harvested when ripe. Guaje is popularly used as a condiment or flavoring in Latin American cuisine. It has an acidic and slightly sour flavor that adds complexity and depth to dishes, especially when combined with other ingredients like garlic, cilantro, onion, and olive oil.

Grapes & Wine

The Book of Mormon only mentions one beverage among the Nephites and Lamanites: wine. During King Noah’s reign in the land of Nephi, for instance, it mentions that he had

“planted vineyards round about in the land,” had “built wine-presses, and made wine in abundance,” thus he and his people became wine-bibbers (Mosiah 11:15).

Wine is also mentioned in several other places throughout the Book of Mormon, including for the sacrament during the risen Lord’s ministry among the Nephites (Moroni 4-5). Although grapes are not mentioned specifically in relation to that wine, the use of ‘vinyards’ above, and the use of grapes in the analogy of 2 Nephi 15 suggests it was brought from the old world.

This was once used as an anachronism until it was found that many native North American grapes actually work well as possibilities in the Book of Mormon such as Vitis popenoei, commonly called the totoloche, or totoloche grape—a New World species of liana in the grape family native to Belize, Mexico (Chiapas, Hidalgo, Oaxaca, Puebla, Tabasco, Veracruz, and eastern Querétaro), and north-central Guatemala (Alta Verapaz). The plant is considered to be a shrub and normally grows in a vine habitat. Being part of the grape family the plant produces grapes.

Another might be Vitis arizonica or the Arizona/Canyon Grape which has historically been used as a food source by Indigenous peoples of the Southwest California (Inyo County).  It overlaps in range with the hybridize with mustang grape and California wild grape and is common in Arizona, Nevada, New Mexico, western Texas, southern Utah, Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Durango, and Tamaulipas. It seems quite possible that this grape might have been traded into the arid deserts of Oaxaca & Morelos. Or simply projected by Mormon onto the records he translated.

In fact, contrary to the belief of many, Pre-Columbian Mexicans did use grapes to make a ‘wine-type’ drink which included other fruits and honey. The Aztecs called this fruit of the vine acacholli, while the Purépechas called it seruráni, the Otomis, obxi, and the Tarahumaras, uri. However, native grapes, primarily due to their high acidity, were deemed by the Spanish conquistadores to be inferior and were quickly supplanted by European varieties.

Additionally the fermented sap of the maguey (agave) plant was used to make an assortment of liquors such as  tequilamezcal, raicillabacanoracomitecocuradoLicor de henequén, and pulque (also known as Agave wine). Pulque is particularly popular in regions like Oaxaca, and central Mexico, where it has been produced for millennia. It has the color of milk, a rather viscous consistency and a sour yeast-like taste. It’s earliest attestation is found in a large mural called the “Pulque Drinkers”, unearthed in 1968 at the pyramid of Cholula, Puebla (coincidentally part of my model’s city of Zarahemla).

See these two articles in relation to Barley & Wheat. Robert Bennet, MI,  Wade Millar, 2009

Precious Metals in the Book of Mormon

There is not better match to North American locations with access to precious metals mentioned in the Book of Mormon than the Continental model. With Mormon living in the desert Southwest as the Book of Mormon’s land of Desolation, and Nephi settling in the valley of Oaxaca, these locations not only share some of the best food and animal habitat matches to those mentioned in the text, but also they provide the best matches to areas including both availability and usage of all of the precious metals mentioned in the text.

Andrew Holdaway, student of John W. Welch, Book of Mormon
121H, Brigham Young University, fall 1997. See also John L. Sorenson, “Metals and Metallurgy Relating to the Book of Mormon Text” (Provo, Utah: FARMS, 1992).

Gold, Silver & Copper

The Book of Mormon states that from the time the Nephites settled in the Land of Nephi, they began to

“work in all manner of wood, and of iron, and of copper, and of brass, and of steel, and of gold, and of silver, and of precious ores, which were in great abundance.” 2 Nephi 5:15

Both Heartland and Mesoamerican models have great evidence for all these metals.  With the Heartland model having better examples of copper or brass, and Mesoamerican models having better evidence of gold and silver. As impressive as ancient and modern copper usage and mining in the Great Lakes region is, it is dwarfed in comparison to the copper mines of Arizona (where Mormon would have been writing the Book of Mormon from, and possibly projecting his understanding of metallurgy to the ancient texts he was transcribing). The Morenci Mine near Safford, Arizona is the largest copper mine in North America, followed closely by Arizona’s nearby Safford Mine and the Sierrita Mine closer to the Mexican border. Each of these mines also produce huge amounts of gold and silver known to have been mined from ancient times by the Hohokam, Anasazi and Mogollon peoples. In fact the region may possess the only evidence of Native American’s buried in a mine shaft collapse as several skeletons were found by miners about 40 feet underground near a mineralized vein of Malachite near La Sal Utah. (see Moab Man/Malachite Man).

No model, however, matches the Continental Model’s Land of Nephi in its proximity of ancient and modern mining and usage of ALL these metals in a small geographic area that matches the text’s internal geography. Oaxaca’s San Jose structural fault corridor is a gold/silver/copper volcanogenic massive sulfide (VMS) vein which spans the width of the Valley of Oaxaca supporting multiple modern and ancient mining operations. Anciently these deposits were the source of much of the unparalleled gold, silver & copper riches of Monte Alban’s ‘Tomb Seven’, often called the King Tut’s tomb of the Americas, the grave yielded over 100 precious metal artifacts including jewelry, eating vessels and masks (including several types of gold/silver alloys as well as tools such as an axe made of a copper/iron mixture). It is only one of a few un-looted finds of over 170 Egyptian-like tombs dug under Monte Alban. Even the Codex Mendoza shows that up to the conquest many of the hamlets near Oaxaca paid the Aztec capital annual tribute in gold dust, owing to the abundant gold placer deposits in the region.

South of the Valley of Oaxaca, dipping to the realm of Tototepec, lay Coatlan [which] paid the Mexica ruler gold dust and mantas. The Zapotec town of Ixtepexi, slightly north of … Coyolapan province paid its tribute in gold, green feathers, deer, maize, turkeys, firewood…  A river running down from the sierra just to the north of Huaxacac [Oaxaca] reportedly carried gold. The tribute paid by this province to its Aztec overlords reflects, to some degree, the natural resources of the region. (ENE 4:142)
Specialized goods from this province consisted of annual deliveries of gold… to be delivered in the form of twenty round tiles, “the size of a medium plate and the thickness of a thumb” (Codex Mendoza folio 43v). Coyolapan was one of six roughly contiguous provinces to pay tribute in gold…

https://inominmines.com/projects/la-gitana/

Map of Oaxaca Gold-Silver (copper) belt. Running from within the valley to approx. 20 miles southeast. from ironmines.com

Oaxaca is also one of the few places in the Americas where early iron alloys were smelted.  In Tomb 7 of Monte Alban, an assortment of iron/copper alloy tools were found. (as seen in this museum display)

In fact, Oaxaca has been determined to be the source of most formative ironworking in Mesoamerica (which mostly takes the shape of ornamental hematite iron or magnetite mirrors and jewelry. Which is incredibly relevant to Book of Mormon archaeology as these types of mirrors are known to have been an important aspect of Jewish & near-eastern ritual.
Mirrors of Ancient America, (Mason, 1927)
Origins of Social Inequality, (Joyce, 2021)
Recent research on iron-ore mirrors in Mesoamerica and Central America (Menager, 2023)
Mirrors in the Bible and in Jewish Tradition (Devassy, 2018)
Magnetism and Archaeology: Magnetic Oxides in the First American Civilization (BJ Evans, UM)

miniature axe composed of a copper and iron mixture. Zapotec culture; Oaxaca, Mexico (see link)

https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0254058419312878

Paper on Mixtec silver gold alloys found in Tomb 7. Ortega, et all, 2020

Monte Alban Oaxaca as the City & Land of Nephi

Outline of Correlations of Monte Alban with City of Nephi

  • Site timeline matches perfectly.  (City founded around 600 BC. Massive improvements 200 BC)
  • SEVERAL of the ONLY known east facing, two-room, two-column (Solomon-like) temples in the ancient Americas. With ground penetrating Radar showing that the original 2 room, 2 column temple was shaped even more like Soloman’s than the 4 or 5 still existing at the site today. (and was likely built at the same time as the site at ~550 BC). In front of the building were alters (like the one still extant), and water basins/cisterns as well as evidence of incense burning, animal sacrifice.
  • Its temple alignments facing East to mark spring passover, and Observatory facing NE or Capella to mark pentecost and even a solar tube to mark the Zenith.
  • Even the name ‘white hill’ and tomb/pyramid layout match amazingly with Jerusalem’s famous white limestone motif.
  • Preceded by a ‘priest-cult’ with ‘men’s houses’ which have first 2 room temples in MA. (sound awfully similar to Israel).
  • Rock reliefs of ‘genital mutilation’ which are strikingly similar to Egyptian circumcision motifs.
  • The dry, mediterranean-like climate matches well with Israel, so old-world crops could grow.
  • Evidence of social stratification & polygamy amidst otherwise monogamous culture.
  • A later ‘split’ in the valley between two dominate warring factions. Who divided the valley between them.
  • A later royal palace (El Palenque Palace) built around 200 BC that could match well with Lemhi reinhabiting the land.
  • 10-the New LDS temple was built directly east, aligned with the ancient temple and altar.

Archaeologists from the University of Oklahoma recently pinpointed the location of a buried building about 30 centimeters beneath the surface of the Main Plaza at Monte Albán — one of the first cities to develop in all of pre-Hispanic Mexico. The team used three geophysical prospection techniques — ground-penetrating radar, electrical resistance and gradiometry — to locate the square structure, which is estimated at 18 meters on a side and with stone walls more than a meter thick. OU researchers are the first to employ gradiometry and electrical resistivity at the site.

The hidden building appears to resemble stone temples of a similar size from Monte Alban that were excavated by Mexican archaeologists in the 1930s. Evidence from these temples indicate they were used for religious practices, including burning incense, making offerings and ritual bloodletting, said Marc Levine, associate curator of archaeology at the Sam Noble Oklahoma Museum of Natural History and associate professor in the Department of Anthropology, College of Arts and Sciences. Researchers continue to analyze data from the new building to see if they can detect other features, like stairways, columns, tunnels or associated offerings. (reference, ref2)

outline of original temple, with columns, multiple alters and cisterns/water basins,

By roughly 1000 BC in conventional radiocarbon years (calibrated 1800 BC), it appears that some of Oaxaca’s larger Formative villages were run by elite individuals who had differential access to iron ore mirrors, mother-of-pearl, Spondylus shell, jadeite ornaments, and exotic pottery from other regions. These individuals were also treated differently at the time of their burial, even when they died as children.

Ignacio Bernal’s field notes led the UMMAA project to sites such as San José Mogote, Huitzo, Fábrica San José, and Tierras Largas in the northern Valley of Oaxaca, and Abasolo and Tomaltepec in the eastern valley. These excavations were funded by the National Science Foundation.  

Of all these sites, San José Mogote turned out to have the longest sequence of Formative cultures. It also grew to be the largest village in the valley prior to the founding of Monte Albán, Oaxaca’s first city. Three other villages were excavated by graduate students for their PhD theses: Tierras Largas by Marcus Winter, Fábrica San José by Robert Drennan, and Tomaltepec by Michael Whalen.

UMMAA excavated at San José Mogote for 15 field seasons (1966-1980). The site yielded more than 30 residences and 30 public buildings. In publishing their reports on the site, Flannery and Marcus decided to deviate from the traditional format of site reports. The latter were typically composed of chapters on pottery, chipped stone, ground stone, animal bones, and so on. This format made it tedious to reconstruct all the materials found in a given residence.

Flannery and Marcus decided that the residence should be the unit of analysis. In their first volume on San José Mogote, therefore, they listed the complete contents of every Formative house. This made it possible to identify neighborhoods at San José Mogote and to show which households were involved in chert biface manufacture, press molding of pottery, shell working, or the polishing of iron-ore mirrors.

In their second volume on San José Mogote, Flannery and Marcus presented the layout and contents of every public building recovered. This approach made it possible to reconstruct the evolution of Zapotec ritual and religion.

San José Mogote appears to have been founded during the Espiridión phase, a period for which no 14C dates are available. The undecorated pottery of this phase appeared in a limited number of shapes, all of which resemble the gourd vessels used during the Archaic. 

By the Tierras Largas phase (calibrated 1800-1300 BC), San José Mogote was a village of wattle-and-daub houses covering perhaps 7 hectares. It was defended (at least on its west side) by a palisade of pine posts. The dominant ritual buildings were small (4 x 6 m) men’s houses, oriented 8˚ N of true east. They differed from Tierras Largas residences not only by their orientation but also by multiple layers of lime plaster. Among the burials of this phase were middle-aged men (presumably community leaders) who were buried in a seated, tightly flexed position. This differed from the fully-extended position of most men’s and women’s burials; however, no luxury goods were found even with the seated burials.

The San José phase (calibrated 1300-950 BC) was a period of spectacular growth. San José Mogote now consisted of a nucleated main village (20 hectares), surrounded by outlying barrios which increased its size to 60-70 hectares. Within 8 km of this large village were 12-14 smaller villages and hamlets which appeared to be satellite communities. So great was this growth that it must have included immigration as well as population increase.

Multiple lines of evidence suggest that San José Mogote had now become a chiefly center. Its main village center now included pyramidal temple platforms, which gradually replaced men’s houses over time. Sumptuary goods included jadeite, iron ore mirrors, mother-of-pearl, and Spondylus shell. The figurines of the period depicted people of rank and people of lower status. Craft specialization differed by residential ward, as did iconographic motifs on the pottery. Some families at San José Mogote received gifts of ceramics from the Basin of Mexico/Morelos, the Gulf Coast, and the Pacific Coast. Iron ore mirrors polished at San José Mogote were sent to elite families in the Olmec area and the Valley of Morelos. 

The use of iron-ore mirrors was restricted to the San José phase elite.

The western limits of San José Mogote produced the partial remains of a similar cemetery, most of which had been destroyed by Colonial and recent adobe makers. Finally, the village of Abasolo yielded the burials of infants or children too young to have been initiated. Some were accompanied by elegant vessels with Sky or Lightning motifs, suggesting that the right to such vessels was inherited rather than achieved.

Several San José phase villages featured cemeteries. At Tomaltepec, Michael Whalen discovered a cemetery of roughly 80 adults, including a number of presumed husband-wife pairs. Six men stood out as different — buried in a seated position, so tightly flexed as likely to have been bundled. Although constituting only 12.7% of the cemetery, these six men were accompanied by 88% of the jadeite beads, 66% of the stone slab grave coverings, and 50% of the pottery vessels carved with “Sky” or “Lightning” motifs. Many also had secondary skeletal remains added to their graves, raising the possibility that elite men might have had multiple wives, some of whom preceded them in death. 

During the subsequent Guadalupe phase (for which we have only a few radiocarbon dates), other chiefly centers arose to challenge San José Mogote’s political influence. Huitzo (to the north) and San Martín Tilcajete (to the south) may have interfered with San José Mogote’s access to some of its favorite iron ore sources, effectively ending the production of iron ore mirrors. The Guadalupe phase seems to have been a period of retrenchment, during which San José Mogote lost population. Notwithstanding this period of “chiefly cycling,” the leaders of San José Mogote built temple platforms of plano-convex adobe bricks, facing onto modest ceremonial plazas. Elite women from San José Mogote may have been sent to marry leaders at satellite communities such as Fábrica San José. There Drennan found elite women, with the same cranial deformation seen at San José Mogote, buried with sumptuary goods. 

During the Rosario phase (calibrated 900-600 BC) San José Mogote returned to prominence, covering 60-70 hectares. A natural hill in the main village became an acropolis for temples on stone masonry platforms of travertine and limestone. At some point in the Rosario phase, public building orientation changed from 8˚ N of East to true North-South. At almost every stage of construction, sacrificed individuals were added to the fill.

At this time period, the Valley of Oaxaca was controlled by three rival chiefly societies. The northern valley was controlled by San José Mogote, the eastern valley by Yegüih, and the southern valley by San Martín Tilcajete. So hostile to each other were these rival societies that a virtually unoccupied buffer zone developed in the central valley.

Late in the Rosario phase, San José Mogote was attacked and its main temple burned. San José Mogote responded by building a new temple nearby and carving a stone monument that depicted an enemy leader whose heart they had removed. The victim’s hieroglyphic name was added, and the stone was placed horizontally in a corridor where the slain enemy’s image could be trod upon.

The Rosario phase ended when 2000 people from San José Mogote and its satellites left their vulnerable valley floor locations and moved to a 400 meter-tall mountain in the buffer zone. From this new, more easily fortified summit they set about subduing their rivals.

RE-WRITE THE ABOVE & REPLACE PICS. from Origins of Social Inequality, Flannery & Marcus, 2021.


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Metallurgy in Oaxaca

Write this section. Late in date, but likely the richest collection of Metalurgy in Mesoamerica. I’ve read 80% of all metal artifacts come from Mixtec lands. Probably because the rest of Mesoamerica was thoroughly looted by Spanish and everyone since. Tomb 7 (from circa 1000 AD) is the biggest cache of all, and was produced locally in Oaxaca. Probably just a taste of what exists and I suspect they will one day find a great cache from 500 BC.

Get more info on these… Pretty sure they are from tomb 7.

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In addition to the weakening of San José Mogote’s influence
on other villages’ pottery styles, other lines of evidence suggest
that San José Mogote had lost some of its political clout. During
the Guadalupe phase, for example, San José Mogote seems to
have lost access to two of its principal iron ore sources: Loma
de la Cañada Totomosle, north of Huitzo, and Loma los Sabinos,
not far from the emerging chiefly center of San Martín Tilcajete
(Flannery and Marcus 2005:87). The Guadalupe phase would
thus appear to represent a downturn in San José Mogote’s cycles
of waxing and waning political power.

Vessel 3 (Fig. 6.5) does not belong to any of our usual Oaxaca
Formative pottery types, and is likely a foreign import… We showed this bottle to David C. Grove and he suspects
that it may be a Valley of Morelos pottery type, Madera Coarse
(Brown variety)

We wish that Burial 65 had included enough skeletal elements
to allow its sex to be determined. In our experience, individuals
in Formative Oaxaca who were buried with a “female ancestor”
figurine tended to be women, and we would like to have been able
to confirm this by skeletal criteria. We are also curious about the
possible vessel from Morelos. The Middle Formative was a time
when high-status women were exchanged as brides (Marcus and
Flannery 1996:114–115, 134–135) and we would like to know
whether such exchanges linked Morelos and Oaxaca

What does it mean when a settlement is left abandoned for
decades—even centuries—only to have a small group of people
return and build an altar on its highest promontory? This kind of
event happened so often in ancient Oaxaca that it can be considered a recurring process.
We suspect that Structures 23 and 24 are examples of a phenomenon that has become fashionable to call “social memory.”
We are not particularly fond of this term, since it too often serves
as a shiny new package for what anthropologists previously called
“tradition.” Nor do we necessarily believe that the Zapotec of
400 b.c. remembered everything they had done at 700–500 b.c.
By then, it is more likely that they had begun to revise their own
history to accomplish new goals.
We do know, however, that many Mesoamerican societies
memorialized past events in terms of legendary homelands and
heroes. The Zapotec, in particular, referred to dynastic founders or “founder couples

Add sections from this Book showing the connection of both pottery and iron mirrors between Morelos and Oaxaca.

https://archive.org/details/sanpablonexpaear0000grov/mode/2up

Excavations at San José Mogote 2: The Cognitive Archaeology:

https://dokumen.pub/excavations-at-san-jose-mogote-2-the-cognitive-archaeology-9780915703869-9781951519681.html

https://dokumen.pub/excavation-at-san-jose-mogote-1-the-household-archaeology-9781951519865-9780915703593.html

God placers of Oaxaca: https://journals.openedition.org/archeosciences/2365?lang=en

Check out these pics of some of the less known sites in Oaxaca Valley (I need to visit these & get pics):
https://sailingstonetravel.com/ex-convent-of-cuilapam-zaachila/
https://sailingstonetravel.com/oaxacas-overlooked-zapotec-sites-yagul-dainzu-atzompa/

I need to make a map of all the impressive sites of Oaxaca, and add pics of each surrounding the map to show how many there are. Include Monte Alban, Mitla, but also Yagul (visited. ballcourt, tombs), Zaachila (tomb & site south), Dainzu, Atzompa, Huijazoo (crazy huge stone lintels of tomb 5)

Add to the article this info:
The name Oaxaca comes from the Nahuatl word “Huaxyacac”, which refers to a tree called a “guaje” (Leucaena
Important because Oaxtepec (where the famous aztec gardens are) comes from the same native word! It means “hill or mount of huajes”, EXACTLY THE SAME AS MONTE ALBAN/OAXACA. Interestingly, Cholula is next to a hill called ‘Cerro Zapotecas’, once again pointing to a connection to Oaxaca & the Zapotec of Monte Alban, as well as a nearby neighborhood & old pond called Zerezotla, which especially if ancient people pronounced the second ‘z’ like an ‘h’ sounds somewhat similar to Zarahemla. Also, this plant is a hallucinagenic! (psychotomimetic plant)
Google… “is Leucaena leucocephala a hallucinaginic?”
Talk a bit, and add pictures of Aztec Gardens. Both Oaxatepec and NEZAHUALCÓYOTL
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leucaena
https://oaxacaculture.com/2014/07/oaxacas-monte-alban-archeological-site-key-to-zapotec-civilization/
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Oaxtepec

Connections With the Land of Zarahemla (Puebla/Morelos)

McCafferty, 1996, notes that the giant head on display near the base of the Pyramid of Cholula matches closely with those found at San Juan Diuxi in the Mixteca Alta, as well as the giant anthropomorphic frog head at Yagul, Oaxaca (pic). which is also relevant as early maps depict the pyramid at Cholula with a frog on top of a hill (see Chistlieb, 2015).

These motifs both likely correlate with the Egyptian goddess Heqet. A common fertility motif from the Early Dynastic Period. [add illustration of Haqet and the two heads]

David Grove’s book (Grove, 1974) on the excavations of Nexpa, Morelos cites numerous examples of goods which suggest a trade network between Morelos/The Mexican Highland (our Land of Zarahemla) and the Valley of Oaxaca (our Land of Nephi). What’s most interesting about this evidence is how early and continuous the trade was. The conclusions it leads us to in the Book of Mormon narrative make us wonder if Mosiah knew to flee to the people of Zarahemla (probably because they had trade relations), and some span of time later Zeniff knew of the “goodness” of the Lamanites of the Land of Nephi (probably because they traded with them in addition to fighting with them). Then why did Lemhi loose track of the location of the land of Zarahemla? Is it because passage on the known roads between the two lands was blocked by the expanding Lamanite influence in the Mixtec Alta forced them to take another more confusing route?
(Grove, David C. San Pablo, Nexpa, and the early formative archaeology of Morelos, Mexico. 1974. Nashville, Tenn. : Vanderbilt University)

“Extensive evidence exists for a Classic-era Oaxacan-Zapotec presencein and about Cholollan and more generally within the Basin of Mexico. Such a presence has been documented by way of the quantities of Oaxacan graywares present on a number of such sites (Crespo Oviedo and Guadalupe Mastache 1981; Diaz 1981), Zapotec-type full cruciform and small niche tombs and related architectural features (Hirth and Swezey 1976), Monte Alban-type ceremonial and mortuary offerings (Millon 1967), and Zapotec iconographic and calendrical elements in circum-Basin contexts (Lombardo de Ruiz, et aI., 1986). Concommitantly, while the presence of a Oaxacan enclave at Teotihuacan, replete with cruciform tombs and mortuary offerings, has long been acknowledged (Millon 1967; Paddock 1983; Rattray 1987), only recently have scholars begun to similarly acknowledge such a presence in other Basin and circum-Basin contexts (Crespo Oviedo and Guadalupe Mastache 1981; Hirth and Swezey 1976). Taken together, such recent finds as those described for Chingu, Manzanilla, Los Teteles, Cholollan, and most recently, Xochicalco, present a strong case for a Zapotec pre3ence in the central highlands (Millon 1988; Crespo Oviedo and Guadalupe Mastache 1981)

“For the intermediate region of Puebla, Peterson (1987:110) cites evidence for the presence of Monte Alban III style ceramics for the Classic period occupation of Cholollan. Peterson (1987:110) notes personal communication with Merlo (1977) and Charles Caskey (1983), respectively, in presenting evidence of (a) “Monte Alban III style urns or fragments” discovered on the northern outskirts of Cholula, Puebla, in an area of “high sherd density”; and (b) “Zapotec style materials” unearthed during the excavations associated with the Hotel Villa Arqueologica in Cholula. In addition, “Zapotec style materials” have been unearthed on the northern perimeter of the city of Puebla, from tombs at the site of Los Teteles de Ocotitla (Reliford 1983; Hirth and Swezey 1976).”
From: Conquest polities of the Mesoamerican Epiclassic: Circum-Basin regionalism, A.D. 550-850. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185780

The Zapotec enclave at Teotihuacan give ample evidence to Zapotec imports in the Mexican Highland around the time of Christ, but later examples might point us toward where Nephite migrants might have created earlier communities. A few of the best examples are Toluca, Los Tetales & El Tesoro near Tula. “We describe tombs and ceramic collections in Zapotec style excavated in central Mexico, outside Oaxaca. The most notable are 13 ceramic vessels and objects from the Xoo complex (a.d. 500–800) excavated by José García Payón in Calixtlahuaca (near the city of Toluca), and three Zapotec-style tombs excavated in Los Teteles (near the city of Puebla). We also mention Zapotec remains excavated near Tula, Hidalgo, and tombs in other parts of central Mexico. We briefly explore the implications of these data for our understanding of central Mexico after the fall of Teotihuacan.” (Smith & Lind, 2006 – This paper has a map and description of MANY Zarahemla area cities with Oaxaca ceramics and tombs!)

Important ones from the map above are the Tehuacan/Teteles sites because they might be Jerson. And the Toluca one, because those sites have cruciform alters AND apparently oaxaca cruciform tombs. Probably because with Xochicalco, a major nephite/lamanite enclave formed there. (which I felt when I was there)

NOTE: Richards mentions lots of ruins that aren’t anywhere else. He says “It would be impossible to mention all the mounds that are found around the city of Oaxaca, almost every village has ruins of some sort, principally mounds and tombs.” https://dn790008.ca.archive.org/0/items/ruinsofmexico01rickuoft/ruinsofmexico01rickuoft.pdf

Concerning Acatlan, In the same book Richards also gets the impression that “probably the Aztecs fought a great battle here and defeated the Mixtecos, and the warriors, to commemorate the events had these Aztec hieroglyphics put on the rocks as an everlasting memorial”. Which I should add to my book when taking about the forts of the region.